Sri Lanka's Tamil Tigers top off their innovations by hijacking a satellite in orbit over the Indian Ocean, sparking fears of a more advanced phase of rebel warfare.
By Dr John CK Daly
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During their 32-year campaign for an independent Tamil homeland, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have achieved a number of innovations that could change the face of rebel warfare.
More than 64,000 Sri Lankans, out of a population of 21 million, have died in the conflict.
In 1984, the LTTE in 1984 established its maritime "Sea Tigers" wing, which has been responsible for sinking 29 Sri Lankan naval gunboats and a freighter. The Sea Tigers include a division of frogmen that have been deployed in attacks on the Sri Lankan naval base at Kankesanturai in the northern Jaffna peninsula.
Three years after forming the Sea Tigers, the rebel group established its notorious "Black Tigers" suicide bombers' wing, which has killed hundreds, including more than 270 rebels. In the latest such attack on 24 May, a Black Tiger suicide bomber on an explosive-laden motorized bicycle rammed a bus carrying army personnel in the capital Colombo, killing two soldiers and wounding five others.
In yet another new form of combat for the LTTE, on 25 March of this year, rebel aircraft of the Tamileelam Air Force (TAF), or "Vaanpuliga," conducted a nighttime raid on Katunayake, the Sri Lankan Air Force's main base, which shares a runway with Colombo's Bandaranayake International Airport. The following month, on 29 April, the rebels' Czech-made ZLIN Z 143 aircraft conducted another nighttime raid on two oil storage facilities some 10 kilometers north of Colombo.
The attacks mean that the LTTE is now unique among world guerrilla movements in having troops, a navy and an air force. The rebel group has taken its campaign into outer space, having hijacked the Intelsat Ltd Intelsat-12 satellite in geosynchronous orbit over the Indian Ocean to beam its propaganda across the Indian subcontinent.
The LTTE has long been interested in using the power of the media, and since the early 1980s has operated clandestine radio and television stations to broadcast to the northern areas of Sri Lanka under its control. The rebel group's Nitharsama terrestrial TV station began transmitting during this time but was subsequently destroyed by the Indian Peace Keeping Force later in the decade.
The LTTE's broadcasts were brought to Intelsat's notice for the first time by an Asian Tribune article on 10 March. Beginning in March 2005, they were hardly a secret.
"The LTTE also operate a satellite broadcast channel. National Television of Tamileelam (NTT) uses Eurostar at 11.5GHz and reaches India, parts of Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Myanmar and China for two hours between 13.30 - 15.30 GMT. Paris-based Tamil Television Network (TTN) relays the broadcast to their audiences in Europe and the Middle East at 18.00 GMT," reported the tamiltigers.net website.
The question is how were they able to accomplish the sophisticated sleight of hand that allowed them to hijack Intelsat-12.
Technological coup
Washington, DC-based Intelsat Ltd is the world's largest provider of geosynchronous satellite services with 52 satellites in orbit. In March, Sri Lanka raised the issue at the 31st Extraordinary Meeting of International Telecommunications Satellite Organization in Paris with Intelsat Ltd CEO David McGlade. On 10 April, Sri Lanka's ambassador to the US, Bernard Goonetileke, met with Intelsat officials, including Senior Vice President in charge of customer operations and engineering David Synkfield to demand that the company take immediate action to halt the broadcasts by the National Television of Tamil Eelam and Pulikalin Kural ("Voice of Tigers") radio transmissions.
"Intelsat does not tolerate terrorist or others operating illegally on its satellites. Since we first learned of the LTTE's signal piracy, we have been actively pursuing a number of technical alternatives to halt the transmissions. We are clear in our resolve to ending this terrorist organization's unauthorized use of our satellite," Intelsat General Counsel Phillip Spector told the media in a press statement.
As the Sri Lankan ambassador made his protests in Washington, however, LTTE spokesman Rasiah Ilanthiriyan was making his own protests from Kilinochchi with Reuters reporting him saying, "We are accessing it legally and there is no signal piracy." p>
On 26 April, Sri Lanka's Embassy in Washington issued a press release stating that Intelsat had terminated the "unauthorized" use of Intelsat-12 by the LTTE for its TV and radio transmissions to Europe and Asia.
According to the press release, the LTTE had been transmitting its programs since March 2005 through the Europe Star 1 satellite. Europe Star 1 was launched in October 2000 by French satellite provider Alcatel. PanAmSat, a satellite operator headquartered in the US acquired Europe Star 1 in July 2005.
In July 2006, Intelsat Ltd acquired PanAmSat, following which, Europe Star 1 satellite was renamed Intelsat-12. The programs that the LTTE had been transmitting through Europe Star 1 thus continued uninterrupted even after Intelsat acquired the satellite.
The Sri Lankan Embassy in Washington DC subsequently lodged complaints with the FBI, the State Department and the Justice Department, accusing Intelsat Ltd of "reneging" on a previous promise to halt the transmissions, adding that Intelsat had asked the embassy to keep their discussions confidential.
According to the Sri Lankan Defense Department: "Despite the widely reported statement by Intelsat that it has switched off National Television of Tamil Eelam from its satellite, we received a report stating that the channel was, in fact, still being seen on the Intelsat-12 satellite (45°E) as of 26 April."
Intelsat was only able to halt the broadcasts on 29 April.
The LTTE's four-hour daily broadcasts used Intelsat-12's transponder 2 and were accessible to any of the 30,000 Sri Lankan citizens with a Direct to Home (DTH) satellite dish. Sri Lankan intelligence officials believe that the LTTE uplink transmissions were probably done from a secret location in Vavuniya in LTTE-controlled northern Sri Lanka.
Intelsat has five high-performance beams covering Europe, Southern Africa, the Middle East, India and Southeast Asia. The LTTE's NTT network was a free channel in Asia while the TTN was an encrypted paid subscription channel in Europe, where the LTTE used the service provider Globecast, a subsidiary of France Telecom.
The likely reason for Intelsat's request to the Sri Lankan government to keep the discussions confidential was that Intelsat-12 is a bent-pipe satellite, whose "dumb" transponders rebroadcast anything that they receive within their frequency band. Bent-pipe satellites remain the most common technology today, with no real defenses against such attacks. Part of the reason for the continued reliance on bent pipe satellites is economic, as they cost half the price of satellites equipped with onboard processing technology.
Intelsat technicians are still trying to figure out how the LTTE pulled off its technological coup. Intelsat-12 has 30 main transponders, of which eight were dedicated to the Indian subcontinent, and 11 backup transponders. Compounding Intelsat's woes is the fact that if transponders on a bent-pipe satellite are not being fully utilized and contain some "empty" space, the void could be identified by using a spectrum analyzer in conjunction with a satellite-receiving dish at a cost of only a few hundred dollars for hardware and software.
Locating the hijacker is difficult, as the uplink signal is transmitted in a highly directed beam, undetectable at ground level unless you are extremely close to the covert transmitter.
Following the revelations of the LTTE broadcasts the French authorities moved quickly; French police raided the TTN's studio in Paris and Globecast confirmed to the Sri Lankan Embassy in France that on 2 May it had halted TTN broadcasts on its Eutelsat satellite, which had 22,000 subscribers generating €330,000 monthly.
The darker reality
Beyond the bland assurance of the Intelsat and embassy press releases is a darker reality.
Spector maintained that the LTTE was simply pirating an empty Intelsat-12 transponder frequency for the broadcasts, but when asked whether al-Qaida could use the same satellite to attack the US, after equivocating that it was only a hypothetical situation, nonetheless acknowledged that it was technically possible.
Even more worrying, similar attacks could be launched on many other types of satcom services, as the necessary equipment is commercially available and attacks can be mounted from anywhere within the satellite's footprint.
The LTTE satellite hack is not the first interference with satellite transmissions, but it is notable in that it is the first by a rebel group and for the length of its hijacking, over two years.
China's Falun Gong spiritual movement in June 2002 overrode the broadcast signals of nine China Central Television stations and 10 provincial stations and replaced the programming with their content. In September 2002, 15 members of Falun Gong received prison sentences of between four and 20 years for the incident.
Yet another Falun Gong satellite hacking attack occurred on 20 November 2004: This time, it disrupted AsiaSat signals for four hours.
The 2002 incident attracted attention. On 30 August of that year, the US General Accounting Office issued a sobering report on satellite vulnerability, noting that "Commercial satellite providers do not use the more stringent techniques used in national security satellites for protection against deliberate disruption and exploitation. If false commands could be inserted into a satellite's command receiver, they could cause the spacecraft to destroy itself."
The report had important implications for the Pentagon as well, since it noted that during the 1991 Operation Desert Storm 45 percent of all communications between the US and the Persian Gulf were transmitted on commercial satellites.
Belatedly recognizing the vulnerabilities, in 1999 the US Air Force instituted its Space Countermeasures Hands On Program, or Space CHOP, at Kirtland Air Force Base in New Mexico, where three to four times a year technicians gather together under the auspices the Air Force Research Laboratory to study satellite vulnerabilities.
Awareness of the problem has steadily grown in Washington.
On 13 December 2006, Undersecretary of State Robert Joseph warned an audience at the George C Marshall Institute about attacks on US space assets.
"[…] the ability to restrict or deny our freedom of access to, and operations in space is no longer limited simply to nation states. With knowledge of space systems, their orbits and the means to counter them being readily available, both state and non-state actors can acquire or develop knowledge about our systems, their capabilities and how to disrupt or destroy US space systems," he said.
Joseph noted that non-government satellite observers tracked satellites and posted their orbits on the internet, and that "terrorist groups" or insurgents might employ GPS jammers "or our ground stations and communications nodes could be disabled or destroyed by terrorists using, for example, rocket-propelled grenades."
The following month, on 11 January, Washington's concerns about Chinese anti-satellite capabilities jumped dramatically when China launched an ASAT missile that successfully destroyed an old weather satellite.
On 1 May, celebrated worldwide as Labor Day, hackers in southern China replaced television programming with anti-government messages for 90 minutes. The Chinese government has said very little about the incident, with a cable TV operator in Guangdong commenting during a telephone conversation with a reporter off the record that, “The satellite’s reception wasn’t very stable,” according to Hong Kong’s Apple Daily newspaper.
And of late, it seems that just about anyone, rebel or not, can dabble in satellite piracy. In Garden City, Michigan, Extreme Media is advertising its new "Satellite Piracy" video on its website, available for US$15, along with two other "Hacking Digital Satellite Systems" films, proudly proclaiming that its new video "includes a complete discussion of all the latest piracy methods being used for DIRECTV and DISH Network, as well as Canadian and Caribbean systems. Everything you ever wanted to know about satellite television piracy is included in this video."
The LTTE apparently regards the loss of its access to Intelsat-12 as a temporary setback and nothing more.
According to a 19 May report in the Sri Lankan Daily News, the LTTE has launched its second pay TV channel, Tharishanam, on the Makkal Television Tamil satellite channel of Chennai, India, which was founded in September 2006. Makkal TV is owned by Pattali Makkal Katchi, a pro-LTTE Indian Tamil political party, and was founded by S Ramadoss, a partner of the United Progressive Front, India's ruling alliance. The station broadcasts LTTE propaganda even though the group is banned by the Indian government.
The LTTE is also reportedly preparing to beam a second TV channel to Europe. Tharishanam ("Revelation"), broadcast as a client of France's Globecast, is to be up-linked through the Israeli Satlink platform in the Hotbird 8 Satellite.
Currently proscribed as a terrorist organization by 32 nations, the LTTE has once again made a quantum leap forward in insurgent capabilities, managing to get away with its activities for over two years. The question that nervous analysts worldwide are now asking is who is watching and who is learning.
Courtesy :tamilcause.blogspot.com
Wednesday, March 31, 2010
Tuesday, March 30, 2010
Spot Light 4: MGR’s Role in the Eelam Struggle
This is a excerpt from the Book - Pirapaharan by T. Sabaratinam
Massive Fund
In April 1984 Pirapaharan met for the first-time Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. G. Ramachandran, idol of legions of Tamils.
The meeting bonded them and brought about a historic change in the freedom struggle of the Sri Lankan Tamil people. MGR’s benevolence made it possible for Pirapaharan to realize his vision of transforming the LTTE into a national liberation army.
None have figured out the chemistry of their attachment. Panrutti S. Ramachandran, MGR’s minister and specialist on Sri Lanka, could only say, "It was some chemistry." The meeting brought them very close and MGR called Pirapaharan "Thamby" (younger brother) with a rare show of affection and respect. And Pirapaharan returned that respect and affection in full measure.
MGR showed interest in meeting Pirapaharan since he had heard about him. Perhaps the skilled film star who played the role of the upholder of justice and protector of the oppressed found in Pirapaharan a life model of the role he played on the silver screen.
MGR evinced interest in the plight of the Tamils in Sri Lanka, especially those of the hill country. He was born in Kandy when his parents lived there. The 1983 riots that created an upheaval in Tamil Nadu, the crossing of TULF leaders to Chennai and the refugee problem drew his attention to the Sri Lankan Tamil problem.
And the Sri Lankan Tamil problem led to a contest between MGR and his main political rival, M. Karunanithi. MGR and Karunanithi were earlier together in the Dravida Munetta Kazhalagam, a Dravidian political party, founded by C. N. Annadurai. It ousted the Congress from power in 1967. Thereafter a power struggle developed between the two over the question of succession to Annadurai, who died of cancer, and MGR broke away and formed his own political party, the Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhalaham (ADMK). MGR stormed to power in the 1977 election, the same year Jayewardene swept to power in Sri Lanka. Action-loving Pirapaharan was an MGR fan. So was Baby Subramaniam (Ilankumaran), Pirapaharan’s trusted lieutenant and liaison man in Tamil Nadu.
Tamil Nadu’s intelligence service, Q branch, kept MGR briefed about the Sri Lankan Tamil militant groups that functioned from Tamil Nadu. MGR kept an eye on them because Karunanithi, who prided himself as the leader of the Tamils in the world, was trying to gather Sri Lankan Tamil militants around him. In fact, leaders of three militant groups, TELO’s Sri Sabaratnam, EROS’s Balakumar and EPRLF’s Pathmanabha were constant visitors to Karunanithi’s office. Politically shrewd Pirapaharan kept a distance from Tamil Nadu politics. He reasoned that the Tamil freedom struggle needed the blessings and support of the entire Tamil Nadu and getting close to one faction would antagonize the other.
Mohandas, Deputy Director General of Police (Intelligence) who headed the Q Branch, kept MGR informed about the Tamil militant groups and their relationship with Karunanithi. He told MGR that the LTTE was the best of the Tamil militant groups and its leader, Pirapaharan, was the most capable and committed of all the leaders. He also briefed MGR that all militant groups had their intelligence wings, but the LTTE’s was the best.
MGR told Mohandas, in the first week of April 1984, that he wanted to meet all the militant leaders and impress on them the need for unity, the topic much talked about during that time in Tamil Nadu and among expatriate Sri Lankan Tamils. The reasoning behind the unity move was that unity among militant groups would strengthen the Tamil freedom struggle. Pirapaharan was not convinced about that argument. His past experience had taught him that unity only helps to internalize the conflicts and contradictions. "Instead of fighting from outside they fight inside," he is reported to have said. (I will deal with unity moves and the ENLF later).
MGR: The Man
MGR, the shrewd politician, wanted to make capital out of the general desire in Tamil Nadu for unity among the militant groups. Mohandas, who had established contact with the leaders and cadres of the militant groups, organized the meeting. The media gave wide publicity to the meeting.
In April 1984, Balasingham and Adele lived in a house in Thiruvanmiyur. Pirapaharan lived in another house nearby. The LTTE political office was at Indira Nagar at Adayar. One day, while Balasingham was in the political office, an intelligence officer from the Tamil Nadu police delivered an invitation from the Chief Minister for a meeting of Tamil militant leaders to be held at the Chief Minister’s office. The intelligence officer informed Balasingham that the meeting was to explore the possibility of forging unity among the five main militant groups. MGR had been voicing his concern about militant disunity for some time. He repeatedly voiced the slogan ‘Unity is Strength.’
Balasingham received another invitation for a similar meeting from Karunanithi the following day. The meeting had been fixed for the day prior to MGR’s meeting. The media gave publicity to that meeting also. The invitations from Tamil Nadu’s two top leaders posed a great problem for the LTTE, which had assiduously adhered to the policy of neutrality in Tamil Nadu politics.
Balasingham, in his Tamil work Viduthalai (Liberation), says he referred the two invitations to Pirapaharan, who decided not to attend either meeting. Two reasons prompted that decision. Firstly, Pirapaharan did not want to be dragged into the Karunanithi- MGR competition. He stressed that the Sri Lankan Tamil struggle needed the support of both of them. The Sri Lankan Tamils could not afford to antagonize either one of them. Secondly, Pirapaharan did not want to meet Uma Maheswaran at such meetings. Pirapaharan said their face-to-face meeting might lead to an unexpected clash. That would spoil the very purpose of the meeting.
Only three of the five militant groups attended Karunanithi’s meeting. Sri Sabaratnam, Balakumar and Pathmanabha attended the meeting. Like Pirapaharan, Uma Maheswaran also kept away. Yet, Karunanithi portrayed his meeting as a big political event and conducted a special press conference about it.
MGR was angry. He felt that Karunanithi had scored a political victory over him. He did not want to take defeat. He cancelled next day’s meeting with Tamil militant leaders. He devised an alternate strategy.
"That evening Mr. Alexander, Deputy IGP (Intelligence) met me in our Adayar office," writes Balasingham in Viduthalai. "I knew him. He had helped us several times. He told me that the Chief Minister was angry with the three militant leaders who met Karunanithi. He wants to meet the Tigers this evening. He had ordered me to bring the Tigers to his estate, Alexander told me. I did not know what to say. I told him that I will have to take a decision after consulting the leadership. Alexander told me, 'The chief minister is anxiously waiting to meet you. Don’t disappoint him.'"
Before departing Alexander told Balasingham partly as a warning, "It would be difficult to operate in Tamil Nadu by antagonizing the Chief Minister and the Tamil Nadu State."
"Is he meeting Uma Maheswaran?" Balasingham asked.
"He will meet him on another day. He is particularly anxious to meet Pirapaharan."
Balasingham consulted Pirapaharan. He told Balasingham that the meeting with MGR could not be avoided. He asked Balasingham to go with Baby Subramaniam, Shankar and Nithiyanandan for the meeting. Nithiyananthan was the editor of LTTE publication Viduthlai Puligal. Pirapaharan told Balasingham that he would meet MGR later if he insisted on such a meeting.
MGR received the LTTE delegation with affection. He asked, "Has not your leader Pirapaharan come?" Balasingham told him that he was out of Chennai and he would come for the next meeting.
MGR asked, "Why didn’t you attend Karunanithi’s conference?’
Balasingham replied, "You were the first leader to call the conference on unity. Karunanithi wanted to beat you and called another conference a day earlier. We did not attend it because we thought he wanted to get political advantage by doing so. So we decided not to attend."
MGR’s face brightened up. "You have understood Tamil Nadu politics," he said.
He then asked, "Why are you split into different groups. Why can’t you get united?"
Balasingham took that opportunity to explain to MGR the genesis of the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka, the emergence of the various militants groups, the LTTE’s philosophy and structure, its commitment to the cause, and the discipline and motivation of its cadres. He showed MGR photographs and video clips of the atrocities committed by the Sri Lanka army.
MGR asked, "What about Uma Maheswaran? I hear that he is saying that his organization is the true LTTE. What is the trouble between Uma Maheswaran and Pirapaharan?"
Balasingham told him that the people of Tamil Nadu call all militant groups Eelathu Puligal and, due to this, the acts of indiscipline of the other groups attributed to the LTTE. Then he explained that Uma Maheswaran was once a member of the LTTE, but he had been expelled.
MGR then inquired about the Indian training and financial assistance.
Balasingham told him that Indian training was limited in nature. It trained only 200 LTTE cadres. India was discriminating against the LTTE. It had trained more men from other militant groups. He told MGR that India was training more cadres from the groups that were not active. He said the weapons given by India were not sufficient and were not modern. He explained that India was trying to make use of Tamil militants to attain its national interest.
After listening to everything Balasingham said MGR asked, "Now I understand everything. Tell me what I should do? What is the help you expect from me?"
Balasingham answered, "The 200 cadres India trained are totally insufficient to fight the Sri Lankan army. We need at least 1,000 fighters. To train the balance we are planning to open training camps in Tamil Nadu. Then we have to arm them. That needs money. Will you give us financial help? That will be the turning point in our struggle. If you give us that help our people will be ever grateful to you."
MGR asked, "Alright. What is the amount you expect from me?’
This is how Balasingham records the moment:
"I did not know how to reply. "We may need a big sum," I dragged. He asked again, "That’s all right. Tell me the amount you need?" Sensing the difficulty I was facing Shankar intervened. He said, "We may need at least two crores (20 million rupees). One crore to train 1000 cadres and another crore to buy them weapons." The chief minister exclaimed, "Only two crores. You (pointing to Balasingham) come tomorrow at 10 p.m. in the night with a vehicle and collect the money." We were dumbfounded. We praised MGR for his benevolence and promised to bring Pirapaharan the next time."
Balasingham and others went to Pirapaharan’s residence to convey the happy news. Pirapaharan refused to believe it. Balasingham and others told Pirapaharan that they were not joking. Then Pirapaharan told them that he would meet MGR in a few days and personally thank him.
Balasingham went to MGR’s estate the next night in a van. Ragu drove the van. MGR was there at the entrance of his residence waiting for Balasingham.
MGR stepped out when he saw the van and directed it to be parked close to the entrance. He welcomed Balasingham.
"Who is this boy?" he inquired pointing to Ragu.
"He’s Pirapaharan’s trusted bodyguard," Balasingham replied.
MGR was satisfied. He took Balasingham inside. He conducted him to a lift. It descended to the basement. When the door opened, MGR took Balasingham to the middle of the room. Two sturdy men were guarding the room. It was lined with boxes.
MGR talked to the guards in Malayalam. He told them, "Give him two." They took out 20 boxes. They placed them inside the lift. Then they went up to the ground floor. The guards loaded the boxes into the van.
Balasingham says he thanked MGR. Then he asked for police escort. He told him that if he were caught by the police with so much of cash there would be trouble. MGR telephoned the police. Two police jeeps with armed men arrived. MGR instructed the police officer in charge to take the van to Balasingham’s place.
"A jeep with armed policemen went in front. Another jeep with armed policemen tailed us. Ragu and I drove along the Chenai streets in a procession with two crores of rupees to our Thirvanmiyur residence. Our leader Pirapaharan, finance secretary Thamilenthi and Col. Shankar and some other cadres were waiting for us. The police officer came to me and took leave. Police jeeps drove away," Balasingham recollects thus their windfall experience.
The boxes were taken into Balasingham’s bedroom. They opened the boxes one by one. They contained neatly arranged bundles of hundred rupee notes. Each box contained one million rupees. When they completed the counting, it was almost dawn. Pirapaharan announced that he would meet MGR soon to thank him.
Pirapaharan was thrilled. So were the others. They were undergoing severe shortage of funds at that time. They were running the organization with the limited contributions some expatriates made. At times Pirapaharan was feeling frustrated. He was not in a position to implement the plans he had envisioned- the plan to convert the LTTE into a national liberation army. MGR had made it possible for Pirapaharan to make his plan a reality.
Pirapa Meets MGR
Pirapaharan met MGR that week itself. Balasingham accompanied him. MGR received Pirapaharan with affection. They were instantly attracted to each other. MGR treated Pirapaharan like his younger brother. MGR started calling Pirapaharan ‘Thamby’ with affection.
MGR asked Pirapaharan about his parents, sisters and brothers, his childhood, his dreams and visions. When Pirapaharan related to him the difficulties he underwent as a young guerrilla, MGR was visibly moved. When Pirapaharan related to him the atrocities the Sri Lankan army committed on the Tamils, he was intensely distressed. The meeting ended with this firm promise: Thamby! Whenever you need anything, ask me."
"The discussion was general in nature," records Mohandas in his work MGR: The Man and The Myth. "MGR listened patiently, but it was apparent that instant rapport was established between MGR and Pirapaharan, the LTTE supremo."
MGR had the habit of inviting the people he liked for breakfast. Soon after the first meeting, MGR’s secretary rang Balasingham one morning and asked him to bring Pirapaharan for an urgent meeting. "The Chief Minister is waiting for him," the secretary told Balasingham.
They rushed to MGR’s residence. The secretary received them at the entrance of the house and conducted them to the dining room. MGR was there. "Come Thamby come. I want you to have breakfast with me," he said.
Idly was served first with saddni and sambar. Thosai followed. Poori and Uppuma were served thereafter. Balasingham was a diabetic and, in the rush, he forgot to take his insulin injection. He was struggling. MGR noticed that. "My guests must eat well," MGR chided Balasingham He looked at Pirapaharan. He was pleased. Pirapaharan had polished the plate clean. "Look at Thamby," MGR said with satisfaction. "That is the way to honour the host. You are not doing justice to the food served to you," he told Balasingham.
MGR signaled the waiter. He brought more idly, thosai and sambar.
I am a diabetic," Balasingham pleaded. And he added, "I have not taken the usual insulin injection. I am under diet control. I should not eat too much."
MGR smiled. "I was also a diabetic. Now I am cured. Who said you should not eat if you have diabetes? Who is the fool who is treating you?" MGR asked.
Balasingham told him that he took insulin injections regularly. He said his life depended on insulin.
MGR repeated that diabetes could be cured. He said his doctor had told him so. He then summoned his doctor.
MGR told the doctor: Balasingham says he is a diabetic and he says diabetics cannot be cured. I told him that diabetics could be cured. You are an expert. Now, tell us who is correct?"
Doctor told MGR: Sir what you say is correct."
MGR asked the doctor: How long will it take to cure diabetes?" And MGR provided the answer to his query. He said, Two weeks would be sufficient. Is it not?"
The doctor replied in the affirmative.
"Right doctor. You take him with you and admit him in the hospital," MGR ordered.
Balasingham looked at Pirapaharan, who kept a serious appearance. Balasingham knew Pirapaharan was enjoying the fun.
Pirapaharan burst laughing when they were out of MGR’s estate. Balasingham turned to the doctor and asked him why he lied to MGR.
The doctor replied: How could I contradict the Chief Minister? Nothing is lost now. You come to the hospital and take rest for two weeks."
Balasingham obeyed. He entered the hospital and took two week’s rest...
Pirapaharan and Balasingham were invited for breakfast three months later. Balasingham took an extra dose of insulin before he went. MGR asked Balasingham, "How is your diabetes? Have you recovered?" Balasingham replied: Yes Sir, Thank you very much." He said he ate everything that was served and MGR was pleased.
MGR clears Weapons
Adele says in The Will to Freedom that Pirapaharan shrewdly used the funds given by MGR to establish several training camps in Tamil Nadu, to recruit a large number of new cadres, to purchase new weapon systems, and to expand the political and propaganda work.
Pirapaharan set up the Arms Procuring Unit under KP to buy modern weapon systems from the illicit weapons market. KP purchased a container-load from Lebanon and sent it in a foreign ship to Chennai harbour. The container was packed with AK47s and RPGs (Rocket Propelled Grenades), sniper rifles, explosives, night vision devises, anti-tank weapons, advanced radio and communication systems and ammunition.
The container arrived in May 1984. An unexpected problem arose in clearing the container through customs. The efforts the LTTE made to clear it failed. Customs officials whom the LTTE approached were reluctant to assist because a similar arms-container imported by PLOTE had been confiscated the previous month. The Delhi government refused to help when approached by PLOTE.
Customs officials seized a large container PLOTE tried to import on 2 April 1984 from Hong Kong when it was unloaded from a ship at the Chennai Port. They confiscated it because it contained a large stock of weapons - 1400 rifles, 300 sten guns, five Japanese wireless sets, an electronic radio set with an amplifier and a large quantity of ammunition - though the customs declaration said it contained "used newspapers." PLOTE bought these arms from a Taiwanese arms dealer. PLOTE leaders made frantic efforts to get the arms consignment released. They telephoned New Delhi officers and they got the Communist party parliamentarians to speak to the new Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi. They also got Tamil Nadu Congress parliamentarians to speak to the prime minister.
Rajiv Gandhi told the Tamil Nadu Members of Parliament that he could have helped if he had been informed in advance. He said that he was now not in a position to help as the media was aware of it. "Ask them to forget about it," Rajiv told the Communist MPs.
Pirapaharan, as I have pointed out earlier, is a devotee of the Hindu God of Action, Murugan. He vowed that he would go on a pilgrimage to the Murugan Temple at Palani if the container of weapons was cleared. He fulfilled the vow as soon as the container reached the LTTE hideout. He spent a day fasting, praying and thanking Murugan for helping him to get the weapons cleared. He also thanked MGR.
The seizure of PLOTE’s weapons container was intended to give a message to all Tamil militant groups that they should depend on the weapons supplied by India. Pirapaharan was aware of New Delhi’s message. New Delhi wanted the Tamil militant groups to do their bidding and nothing more. The role New Delhi gave to the Tamil militant groups was that of a pressure group. Their task was to exert military pressure on Jayewardene to compel him to work out a political settlement with the TULF. New Delhi supplied the militant groups weapons which its military experts thought were sufficient to do that work.
Pirapaharan realized that New Delhi would not help him to get the weapons container released. He sent Balasingham to MGR to get his assistance. Balasingham met MGR at his residence and told him of their difficulty and that the weapons had been bought with his money. Only if they were released could Pirapaharan be able to take forward the Tamil freedom struggle.
Balasingham records with appreciation that MGR did not show any reluctance. He telephoned a customs officer, wrote his name in a piece of paper and asked Balasingham to go and see that officer. "He would do the needful," MGR told him.
Pirapaharan gave that job to Shankar. The container was transported with police escort to the LTTE’s hideout in the outskirts of Chennai. The excess were stocked in Balasingham’s bedroom.
Pirapaharan met MGR soon after the container was released to thank him. He presented him with an AK47 and said, "This was imported with your money." He demonstrated to MGR how to dismantle the gun and assemble it. MGR appreciated the gift.
MGR’s benevolence did not end there. In 1985, when the LTTE expanded its activities it needed money. Pirapaharan sent Balasingham to speak to MGR. "How much do you need?" he asked.
"Five crores
MGR told Balasingam not to worry and he gave four crores (40 million rupees) from his own money.
MGR died in December 1987 after being sick for over a year. Balasingham paid him a visit early that year when he was hospitalized. MGR sat up and pulled the pillow towards him. From under the pillow he fetched the AK47 Pirapaharan had presented him nearly three years earlier. He showed it to Balasingham and said: Thamby presented this to me."
MGR slept with Pirapaharan’s present under his head until he died.
Massive Fund
In April 1984 Pirapaharan met for the first-time Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. G. Ramachandran, idol of legions of Tamils.
The meeting bonded them and brought about a historic change in the freedom struggle of the Sri Lankan Tamil people. MGR’s benevolence made it possible for Pirapaharan to realize his vision of transforming the LTTE into a national liberation army.
MGR showed interest in meeting Pirapaharan since he had heard about him. Perhaps the skilled film star who played the role of the upholder of justice and protector of the oppressed found in Pirapaharan a life model of the role he played on the silver screen.
MGR evinced interest in the plight of the Tamils in Sri Lanka, especially those of the hill country. He was born in Kandy when his parents lived there. The 1983 riots that created an upheaval in Tamil Nadu, the crossing of TULF leaders to Chennai and the refugee problem drew his attention to the Sri Lankan Tamil problem.
And the Sri Lankan Tamil problem led to a contest between MGR and his main political rival, M. Karunanithi. MGR and Karunanithi were earlier together in the Dravida Munetta Kazhalagam, a Dravidian political party, founded by C. N. Annadurai. It ousted the Congress from power in 1967. Thereafter a power struggle developed between the two over the question of succession to Annadurai, who died of cancer, and MGR broke away and formed his own political party, the Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhalaham (ADMK). MGR stormed to power in the 1977 election, the same year Jayewardene swept to power in Sri Lanka. Action-loving Pirapaharan was an MGR fan. So was Baby Subramaniam (Ilankumaran), Pirapaharan’s trusted lieutenant and liaison man in Tamil Nadu.
Tamil Nadu’s intelligence service, Q branch, kept MGR briefed about the Sri Lankan Tamil militant groups that functioned from Tamil Nadu. MGR kept an eye on them because Karunanithi, who prided himself as the leader of the Tamils in the world, was trying to gather Sri Lankan Tamil militants around him. In fact, leaders of three militant groups, TELO’s Sri Sabaratnam, EROS’s Balakumar and EPRLF’s Pathmanabha were constant visitors to Karunanithi’s office. Politically shrewd Pirapaharan kept a distance from Tamil Nadu politics. He reasoned that the Tamil freedom struggle needed the blessings and support of the entire Tamil Nadu and getting close to one faction would antagonize the other.
Mohandas, Deputy Director General of Police (Intelligence) who headed the Q Branch, kept MGR informed about the Tamil militant groups and their relationship with Karunanithi. He told MGR that the LTTE was the best of the Tamil militant groups and its leader, Pirapaharan, was the most capable and committed of all the leaders. He also briefed MGR that all militant groups had their intelligence wings, but the LTTE’s was the best.
MGR told Mohandas, in the first week of April 1984, that he wanted to meet all the militant leaders and impress on them the need for unity, the topic much talked about during that time in Tamil Nadu and among expatriate Sri Lankan Tamils. The reasoning behind the unity move was that unity among militant groups would strengthen the Tamil freedom struggle. Pirapaharan was not convinced about that argument. His past experience had taught him that unity only helps to internalize the conflicts and contradictions. "Instead of fighting from outside they fight inside," he is reported to have said. (I will deal with unity moves and the ENLF later).
MGR: The Man
MGR, the shrewd politician, wanted to make capital out of the general desire in Tamil Nadu for unity among the militant groups. Mohandas, who had established contact with the leaders and cadres of the militant groups, organized the meeting. The media gave wide publicity to the meeting.
In April 1984, Balasingham and Adele lived in a house in Thiruvanmiyur. Pirapaharan lived in another house nearby. The LTTE political office was at Indira Nagar at Adayar. One day, while Balasingham was in the political office, an intelligence officer from the Tamil Nadu police delivered an invitation from the Chief Minister for a meeting of Tamil militant leaders to be held at the Chief Minister’s office. The intelligence officer informed Balasingham that the meeting was to explore the possibility of forging unity among the five main militant groups. MGR had been voicing his concern about militant disunity for some time. He repeatedly voiced the slogan ‘Unity is Strength.’
Balasingham received another invitation for a similar meeting from Karunanithi the following day. The meeting had been fixed for the day prior to MGR’s meeting. The media gave publicity to that meeting also. The invitations from Tamil Nadu’s two top leaders posed a great problem for the LTTE, which had assiduously adhered to the policy of neutrality in Tamil Nadu politics.
Balasingham, in his Tamil work Viduthalai (Liberation), says he referred the two invitations to Pirapaharan, who decided not to attend either meeting. Two reasons prompted that decision. Firstly, Pirapaharan did not want to be dragged into the Karunanithi- MGR competition. He stressed that the Sri Lankan Tamil struggle needed the support of both of them. The Sri Lankan Tamils could not afford to antagonize either one of them. Secondly, Pirapaharan did not want to meet Uma Maheswaran at such meetings. Pirapaharan said their face-to-face meeting might lead to an unexpected clash. That would spoil the very purpose of the meeting.
Only three of the five militant groups attended Karunanithi’s meeting. Sri Sabaratnam, Balakumar and Pathmanabha attended the meeting. Like Pirapaharan, Uma Maheswaran also kept away. Yet, Karunanithi portrayed his meeting as a big political event and conducted a special press conference about it.
MGR was angry. He felt that Karunanithi had scored a political victory over him. He did not want to take defeat. He cancelled next day’s meeting with Tamil militant leaders. He devised an alternate strategy.
"That evening Mr. Alexander, Deputy IGP (Intelligence) met me in our Adayar office," writes Balasingham in Viduthalai. "I knew him. He had helped us several times. He told me that the Chief Minister was angry with the three militant leaders who met Karunanithi. He wants to meet the Tigers this evening. He had ordered me to bring the Tigers to his estate, Alexander told me. I did not know what to say. I told him that I will have to take a decision after consulting the leadership. Alexander told me, 'The chief minister is anxiously waiting to meet you. Don’t disappoint him.'"
Before departing Alexander told Balasingham partly as a warning, "It would be difficult to operate in Tamil Nadu by antagonizing the Chief Minister and the Tamil Nadu State."
"Is he meeting Uma Maheswaran?" Balasingham asked.
"He will meet him on another day. He is particularly anxious to meet Pirapaharan."
Balasingham consulted Pirapaharan. He told Balasingham that the meeting with MGR could not be avoided. He asked Balasingham to go with Baby Subramaniam, Shankar and Nithiyanandan for the meeting. Nithiyananthan was the editor of LTTE publication Viduthlai Puligal. Pirapaharan told Balasingham that he would meet MGR later if he insisted on such a meeting.
MGR received the LTTE delegation with affection. He asked, "Has not your leader Pirapaharan come?" Balasingham told him that he was out of Chennai and he would come for the next meeting.
MGR asked, "Why didn’t you attend Karunanithi’s conference?’
Balasingham replied, "You were the first leader to call the conference on unity. Karunanithi wanted to beat you and called another conference a day earlier. We did not attend it because we thought he wanted to get political advantage by doing so. So we decided not to attend."
MGR’s face brightened up. "You have understood Tamil Nadu politics," he said.
He then asked, "Why are you split into different groups. Why can’t you get united?"
Balasingham took that opportunity to explain to MGR the genesis of the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka, the emergence of the various militants groups, the LTTE’s philosophy and structure, its commitment to the cause, and the discipline and motivation of its cadres. He showed MGR photographs and video clips of the atrocities committed by the Sri Lanka army.
MGR asked, "What about Uma Maheswaran? I hear that he is saying that his organization is the true LTTE. What is the trouble between Uma Maheswaran and Pirapaharan?"
Balasingham told him that the people of Tamil Nadu call all militant groups Eelathu Puligal and, due to this, the acts of indiscipline of the other groups attributed to the LTTE. Then he explained that Uma Maheswaran was once a member of the LTTE, but he had been expelled.
MGR then inquired about the Indian training and financial assistance.
Balasingham told him that Indian training was limited in nature. It trained only 200 LTTE cadres. India was discriminating against the LTTE. It had trained more men from other militant groups. He told MGR that India was training more cadres from the groups that were not active. He said the weapons given by India were not sufficient and were not modern. He explained that India was trying to make use of Tamil militants to attain its national interest.
After listening to everything Balasingham said MGR asked, "Now I understand everything. Tell me what I should do? What is the help you expect from me?"
Balasingham answered, "The 200 cadres India trained are totally insufficient to fight the Sri Lankan army. We need at least 1,000 fighters. To train the balance we are planning to open training camps in Tamil Nadu. Then we have to arm them. That needs money. Will you give us financial help? That will be the turning point in our struggle. If you give us that help our people will be ever grateful to you."
MGR asked, "Alright. What is the amount you expect from me?’
This is how Balasingham records the moment:
"I did not know how to reply. "We may need a big sum," I dragged. He asked again, "That’s all right. Tell me the amount you need?" Sensing the difficulty I was facing Shankar intervened. He said, "We may need at least two crores (20 million rupees). One crore to train 1000 cadres and another crore to buy them weapons." The chief minister exclaimed, "Only two crores. You (pointing to Balasingham) come tomorrow at 10 p.m. in the night with a vehicle and collect the money." We were dumbfounded. We praised MGR for his benevolence and promised to bring Pirapaharan the next time."
Balasingham and others went to Pirapaharan’s residence to convey the happy news. Pirapaharan refused to believe it. Balasingham and others told Pirapaharan that they were not joking. Then Pirapaharan told them that he would meet MGR in a few days and personally thank him.
Balasingham went to MGR’s estate the next night in a van. Ragu drove the van. MGR was there at the entrance of his residence waiting for Balasingham.
MGR stepped out when he saw the van and directed it to be parked close to the entrance. He welcomed Balasingham.
"Who is this boy?" he inquired pointing to Ragu.
"He’s Pirapaharan’s trusted bodyguard," Balasingham replied.
MGR was satisfied. He took Balasingham inside. He conducted him to a lift. It descended to the basement. When the door opened, MGR took Balasingham to the middle of the room. Two sturdy men were guarding the room. It was lined with boxes.
MGR talked to the guards in Malayalam. He told them, "Give him two." They took out 20 boxes. They placed them inside the lift. Then they went up to the ground floor. The guards loaded the boxes into the van.
Balasingham says he thanked MGR. Then he asked for police escort. He told him that if he were caught by the police with so much of cash there would be trouble. MGR telephoned the police. Two police jeeps with armed men arrived. MGR instructed the police officer in charge to take the van to Balasingham’s place.
"A jeep with armed policemen went in front. Another jeep with armed policemen tailed us. Ragu and I drove along the Chenai streets in a procession with two crores of rupees to our Thirvanmiyur residence. Our leader Pirapaharan, finance secretary Thamilenthi and Col. Shankar and some other cadres were waiting for us. The police officer came to me and took leave. Police jeeps drove away," Balasingham recollects thus their windfall experience.
The boxes were taken into Balasingham’s bedroom. They opened the boxes one by one. They contained neatly arranged bundles of hundred rupee notes. Each box contained one million rupees. When they completed the counting, it was almost dawn. Pirapaharan announced that he would meet MGR soon to thank him.
Pirapaharan was thrilled. So were the others. They were undergoing severe shortage of funds at that time. They were running the organization with the limited contributions some expatriates made. At times Pirapaharan was feeling frustrated. He was not in a position to implement the plans he had envisioned- the plan to convert the LTTE into a national liberation army. MGR had made it possible for Pirapaharan to make his plan a reality.
Pirapa Meets MGR
Pirapaharan met MGR that week itself. Balasingham accompanied him. MGR received Pirapaharan with affection. They were instantly attracted to each other. MGR treated Pirapaharan like his younger brother. MGR started calling Pirapaharan ‘Thamby’ with affection.
MGR asked Pirapaharan about his parents, sisters and brothers, his childhood, his dreams and visions. When Pirapaharan related to him the difficulties he underwent as a young guerrilla, MGR was visibly moved. When Pirapaharan related to him the atrocities the Sri Lankan army committed on the Tamils, he was intensely distressed. The meeting ended with this firm promise: Thamby! Whenever you need anything, ask me."
"The discussion was general in nature," records Mohandas in his work MGR: The Man and The Myth. "MGR listened patiently, but it was apparent that instant rapport was established between MGR and Pirapaharan, the LTTE supremo."
MGR had the habit of inviting the people he liked for breakfast. Soon after the first meeting, MGR’s secretary rang Balasingham one morning and asked him to bring Pirapaharan for an urgent meeting. "The Chief Minister is waiting for him," the secretary told Balasingham.
They rushed to MGR’s residence. The secretary received them at the entrance of the house and conducted them to the dining room. MGR was there. "Come Thamby come. I want you to have breakfast with me," he said.
Idly was served first with saddni and sambar. Thosai followed. Poori and Uppuma were served thereafter. Balasingham was a diabetic and, in the rush, he forgot to take his insulin injection. He was struggling. MGR noticed that. "My guests must eat well," MGR chided Balasingham He looked at Pirapaharan. He was pleased. Pirapaharan had polished the plate clean. "Look at Thamby," MGR said with satisfaction. "That is the way to honour the host. You are not doing justice to the food served to you," he told Balasingham.
MGR signaled the waiter. He brought more idly, thosai and sambar.
I am a diabetic," Balasingham pleaded. And he added, "I have not taken the usual insulin injection. I am under diet control. I should not eat too much."
MGR smiled. "I was also a diabetic. Now I am cured. Who said you should not eat if you have diabetes? Who is the fool who is treating you?" MGR asked.
Balasingham told him that he took insulin injections regularly. He said his life depended on insulin.
MGR repeated that diabetes could be cured. He said his doctor had told him so. He then summoned his doctor.
MGR told the doctor: Balasingham says he is a diabetic and he says diabetics cannot be cured. I told him that diabetics could be cured. You are an expert. Now, tell us who is correct?"
Doctor told MGR: Sir what you say is correct."
MGR asked the doctor: How long will it take to cure diabetes?" And MGR provided the answer to his query. He said, Two weeks would be sufficient. Is it not?"
The doctor replied in the affirmative.
"Right doctor. You take him with you and admit him in the hospital," MGR ordered.
Balasingham looked at Pirapaharan, who kept a serious appearance. Balasingham knew Pirapaharan was enjoying the fun.
Pirapaharan burst laughing when they were out of MGR’s estate. Balasingham turned to the doctor and asked him why he lied to MGR.
The doctor replied: How could I contradict the Chief Minister? Nothing is lost now. You come to the hospital and take rest for two weeks."
Balasingham obeyed. He entered the hospital and took two week’s rest...
Pirapaharan and Balasingham were invited for breakfast three months later. Balasingham took an extra dose of insulin before he went. MGR asked Balasingham, "How is your diabetes? Have you recovered?" Balasingham replied: Yes Sir, Thank you very much." He said he ate everything that was served and MGR was pleased.
MGR clears Weapons
Adele says in The Will to Freedom that Pirapaharan shrewdly used the funds given by MGR to establish several training camps in Tamil Nadu, to recruit a large number of new cadres, to purchase new weapon systems, and to expand the political and propaganda work.
Pirapaharan set up the Arms Procuring Unit under KP to buy modern weapon systems from the illicit weapons market. KP purchased a container-load from Lebanon and sent it in a foreign ship to Chennai harbour. The container was packed with AK47s and RPGs (Rocket Propelled Grenades), sniper rifles, explosives, night vision devises, anti-tank weapons, advanced radio and communication systems and ammunition.
The container arrived in May 1984. An unexpected problem arose in clearing the container through customs. The efforts the LTTE made to clear it failed. Customs officials whom the LTTE approached were reluctant to assist because a similar arms-container imported by PLOTE had been confiscated the previous month. The Delhi government refused to help when approached by PLOTE.
Customs officials seized a large container PLOTE tried to import on 2 April 1984 from Hong Kong when it was unloaded from a ship at the Chennai Port. They confiscated it because it contained a large stock of weapons - 1400 rifles, 300 sten guns, five Japanese wireless sets, an electronic radio set with an amplifier and a large quantity of ammunition - though the customs declaration said it contained "used newspapers." PLOTE bought these arms from a Taiwanese arms dealer. PLOTE leaders made frantic efforts to get the arms consignment released. They telephoned New Delhi officers and they got the Communist party parliamentarians to speak to the new Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi. They also got Tamil Nadu Congress parliamentarians to speak to the prime minister.
Rajiv Gandhi told the Tamil Nadu Members of Parliament that he could have helped if he had been informed in advance. He said that he was now not in a position to help as the media was aware of it. "Ask them to forget about it," Rajiv told the Communist MPs.
Pirapaharan, as I have pointed out earlier, is a devotee of the Hindu God of Action, Murugan. He vowed that he would go on a pilgrimage to the Murugan Temple at Palani if the container of weapons was cleared. He fulfilled the vow as soon as the container reached the LTTE hideout. He spent a day fasting, praying and thanking Murugan for helping him to get the weapons cleared. He also thanked MGR.
The seizure of PLOTE’s weapons container was intended to give a message to all Tamil militant groups that they should depend on the weapons supplied by India. Pirapaharan was aware of New Delhi’s message. New Delhi wanted the Tamil militant groups to do their bidding and nothing more. The role New Delhi gave to the Tamil militant groups was that of a pressure group. Their task was to exert military pressure on Jayewardene to compel him to work out a political settlement with the TULF. New Delhi supplied the militant groups weapons which its military experts thought were sufficient to do that work.
Pirapaharan realized that New Delhi would not help him to get the weapons container released. He sent Balasingham to MGR to get his assistance. Balasingham met MGR at his residence and told him of their difficulty and that the weapons had been bought with his money. Only if they were released could Pirapaharan be able to take forward the Tamil freedom struggle.
Balasingham records with appreciation that MGR did not show any reluctance. He telephoned a customs officer, wrote his name in a piece of paper and asked Balasingham to go and see that officer. "He would do the needful," MGR told him.
Pirapaharan gave that job to Shankar. The container was transported with police escort to the LTTE’s hideout in the outskirts of Chennai. The excess were stocked in Balasingham’s bedroom.
Pirapaharan met MGR soon after the container was released to thank him. He presented him with an AK47 and said, "This was imported with your money." He demonstrated to MGR how to dismantle the gun and assemble it. MGR appreciated the gift.
MGR’s benevolence did not end there. In 1985, when the LTTE expanded its activities it needed money. Pirapaharan sent Balasingham to speak to MGR. "How much do you need?" he asked.
"Five crores
MGR told Balasingam not to worry and he gave four crores (40 million rupees) from his own money.
MGR died in December 1987 after being sick for over a year. Balasingham paid him a visit early that year when he was hospitalized. MGR sat up and pulled the pillow towards him. From under the pillow he fetched the AK47 Pirapaharan had presented him nearly three years earlier. He showed it to Balasingham and said: Thamby presented this to me."
MGR slept with Pirapaharan’s present under his head until he died.
Monday, March 29, 2010
Situation of Tamils in Camps ... Video news by France 24
France 24 a nmews channel in France has managed to get access to various camps of Srilanka and have shown the current situation there in the below video..
இலங்கையில் முன்பைவிட எழுச்சியாக போர் தொடங்கும்: வைகோ
இலங்கையிலே விடுதலைப்புலிகளின் இறுதிப்போர் ஓய்ந்து விட்டதாக ராஜபக்ச நினைக்கிறார். விரைவில் முன்பைவிட எழுச்சியாக போர் தொடங்கும். பிரபாகரனும், பொட்டுஅம்மானும் போர் முனையில் நிற்பார்கள். நீங்களும் அதை பார்க்கத்தான் போகிறீர்கள். இவ்வாறு மதிமுக பொதுச் செயலாளர் வைகோ தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.
பொன்னேரி புதிய பேருந்து நிலையத்தில் நடைபெற்ற மதிமுக கூட்டத்தில் வைகோ கலந்து கொண்டு உரையாற்றுகையில் மேற்கண்டவாறு தெரிவித்தார்.
அவர் தொடர்ந்து பேசியதாவது:-
தமிழகத்திலே 7 1/2 கோடி தமிழர்கள் இருந்தும் இலங்கையிலே லட்சக்கணக்கான தமிழர்களை ராஜபக்ச அரசு சுட்டுக் கொன்றதை இங்குள்ள தமிழர்கள் வேடிக்கைதான் பார்க்க முடிந்தது.
இலங்கைத் தமிழர்களின் உயிரை காப்பாற்ற வேண்டும் என்று கோரி நான் பிரதமர் மன்மோகன் சிங்கை 16 முறை சந்தித்து முறையிட்டேன். இருந்தும் பயனில்லை. இந்தியா, இலங்கைக்கு ஆயுத உதவி செய்தது. தமிழர்களை அழிக்க உறுதுணையாய் நின்றது.
இலங்கையிலே விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் இறுதிப்போர் ஓய்ந்து விட்டதாக ராஜபக்ச நினைக்கிறார். விரைவில் முன்பைவிட எழுச்சியாக போர் தொடங்கும். பிரபாகரனும், பொட்டுஅம்மானும் போர் முனையில் நிற்பார்கள். நீங்களும் அதை பார்க்கத்தான் போகிறீர்கள். என்றார் வைகோ.
பொன்னேரி புதிய பேருந்து நிலையத்தில் நடைபெற்ற மதிமுக கூட்டத்தில் வைகோ கலந்து கொண்டு உரையாற்றுகையில் மேற்கண்டவாறு தெரிவித்தார்.
அவர் தொடர்ந்து பேசியதாவது:-
தமிழகத்திலே 7 1/2 கோடி தமிழர்கள் இருந்தும் இலங்கையிலே லட்சக்கணக்கான தமிழர்களை ராஜபக்ச அரசு சுட்டுக் கொன்றதை இங்குள்ள தமிழர்கள் வேடிக்கைதான் பார்க்க முடிந்தது.
இலங்கைத் தமிழர்களின் உயிரை காப்பாற்ற வேண்டும் என்று கோரி நான் பிரதமர் மன்மோகன் சிங்கை 16 முறை சந்தித்து முறையிட்டேன். இருந்தும் பயனில்லை. இந்தியா, இலங்கைக்கு ஆயுத உதவி செய்தது. தமிழர்களை அழிக்க உறுதுணையாய் நின்றது.
இலங்கையிலே விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் இறுதிப்போர் ஓய்ந்து விட்டதாக ராஜபக்ச நினைக்கிறார். விரைவில் முன்பைவிட எழுச்சியாக போர் தொடங்கும். பிரபாகரனும், பொட்டுஅம்மானும் போர் முனையில் நிற்பார்கள். நீங்களும் அதை பார்க்கத்தான் போகிறீர்கள். என்றார் வைகோ.
Friday, March 26, 2010
சி.பி.ஐ.யின் பட்டியலில் இருந்து பிரபாகரன் பெயர் நீக்கம்
இந்திய மத்திய புலனாய்வுப் பிரிவின் (சி.பி.ஐ.) இணையத்தளத்தில் தேடப்படுவோரின் பட்டியலில் இருந்த தமிழீழ விடுதலைப்புலிகளின் தலைவர் வேலுப்பிள்ளை பிரபாகரனின் பெயர் நீக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.
இலங்கை இராணுவத்துக்கும், விடுதலைப் புலிகளுக்கும் கடந்த 25 ஆண்டுகளாக நீடித்து வந்த கடும் சண்டை கடந்த 2009 மே மாதத்துடன் முடிவுக்கு வந்தது.
இதனையடுத்து 2009 மே 18 ஆம் திகதி விடுதலைப்புலிகள் அமைப்பின் தலைவர் வே.பிரபாகரன், இலங்கையிலுள்ள நந்திக் கடல் பகுதியில் நடந்த சண்டையில் கொல்லப்பட்டதாக இலங்கை இராணுவம் தெரிவித்தது.
முன்னாள் பிரதமர் ராஜீவ் காந்தி கொல்லப்பட்ட வழக்கில் முக்கிய எதிரியாகக் கருதப்பட்ட பிரபாகரன் மீது இந்தியாவில் வழக்கு உள்ளது. இந்த வழக்கு சென்னையிலுள்ள நீதிமன்றத்தில் நிலுவையில் உள்ளது.
இந்த நிலையில், பிரபாகரனின் இறப்புச் சான்றிதழை பெறுவதற்கு இந்திய அதிகாரிகள், இலங்கை அரசுடன் தொடர்பு கொண்டு வந்தனர்.
இதனைத்தொடர்ந்து கடந்த பெப்ரவரி 01 ம் திகதி பிரபாகரனின் இறப்புச் சான்றிதழை, இலங்கை அரசிடமிருந்து சி.பி.ஐ. பெற்றுக் கொண்டதாக உள்துறை அமைச்சர் ப.சிதம்பரம் அறிவித்தார்.
அதைத் தொடர்ந்து, தற்போது சி.பி..ஐ. யின் இணையதளத்தில் தேடப்படுவோரின் பட்டியலில் இடம்பெற்றிருந்த பிரபாகரனின் பெயரும் படமும் நீக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது
Spot Light 2 : Lankan State Terrorism ( not for weak hearted)
This heart breaking video which was shot during war period highlights the plight of innocent Tamilian civilians ....
Cannot withstand the killing of my own brothers and sisters..
Where is humanity ? Why are they killing babies and children..
Pl double click the link incase if the video is not playing
Courtesy : Imutt111
Cannot withstand the killing of my own brothers and sisters..
Where is humanity ? Why are they killing babies and children..
Pl double click the link incase if the video is not playing
Courtesy : Imutt111
Thursday, March 25, 2010
Spot Light 3 : Tamil Eelam History Videos
A video on history of Tamil Eelam....
Thanks to Crazyboy27 for uploading the same on youtube....
Thanks to Crazyboy27 for uploading the same on youtube....
Spot Light 1 - Mahendrarajah, alias Mahattaya's plot story
The following is the excerpt from Chapter 56 of book : SRI LANKA: THE UNTOLD STORY
Mahendrarajah, alias Mahattaya, joined the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 1978. He was born in 1956, but unlike most of the LTTE leaders he was not from Valvetiturai, but from Point Pedro East. He was educated at Chidampara College, Valvetiturai. He joined the LTTE in the same year as Sathasivam Krishnakumar, alias Kittu, and Raghu. Mahattaya was from the Karaiyar caste (fishing community), as was Velupillai Prabhakaran, the LTTE supremo, who personally admitted him into the organization.
Gradually, Mahattaya rose up in the ranks and he was made the regional commander of Vanni, and Kittu was given the command of Jaffna. From the very early days Kittu and Mahattaya were rivals and competed for position and power within the militant organization. Kittu was well placed as the commander of the Jaffna region, a position that went with international publicity, and he was the envy of all. On March 31, 1987, an unidentified man fired at and lobbed a powerful grenade at the Mitsubishi Lancer carrying Kittu on Jaffna's Second Cross Street. Kittu survived, but his right leg was severed below the knee.
After the incident, Major Aruna, alias Selvaswamy Selvakumar, of the LTTE, went berserk. He fired his M-16 at innocent captives from the rival Tamil militant groups at Kandan Karunai prison, killing scores of them. The LTTE high command did not approve of the carnage and when Aruna died in a battle, they decided not to include his name in the martyrs' list.
After Kittu became crippled and was forced out of the military arena, Mahattaya became virtually second to Prabhakaran and was delegated with the authority to negotiate with Indian High Commission officials regarding the establishment of the Interim Administration of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Mahattaya signed a 14-point agreement with Puri, the First Secretary (Political), of the High Commission of India in Sri Lanka, on September 28, 1987, in his capacity as the deputy leader of the LTTE. This was the first time that he was officially elevated to the position of deputy.
Prior to signing of this agreement, Mahattaya was dispatched to Batticaloa by Prabhakaran to deal with the leaders of the Peoples Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE). On September 11, Mahattaya went to Batticaloa with his assistant Yogi and met with the region's LTTE commanders, Reagan and Karuna. It was finalized in a secret confab to assemble 100 Tiger cadres and disperse them in groups in various locations to attack EPRLF, PLOTE and ENDLF members, who were considered rival groups.
On September 13, Mahattaya invited R Vasudeva, the deputy leader of the PLOTE for a peace meeting. The unsuspecting Vasudeva went in a van with his close associates, but on the way, they were attacked by LTTE gunmen. Within two hours, some 70 other members of other organizations were killed by the Tiger cadres led by Mahattaya.
Meanwhile, on October 4, Mahattaya and Anton Balasingham were granted permission to meet their arrested colleagues.
On the evening of October 5, when they were about be forced to board a flight to Colombo, all of them swallowed cyanide capsules. which had been given to them by Mahattaya and Anton Balasingham. This had been done on the orders of Prabhakaran.
Subsequently, Mahattaya, on October 6, launched the LTTE-Indian war with a rocket attack on a jeep carrying five India soldiers near the gate of the cement factory at Kankesanthurai. Following the outbreak of the war, the LTTE leadership then began to relocate its headquarters to the Vanni region, a sprawling jungle terrain south of the Jaffna peninsula, in the mainland.
People in Chunnakam reported that they saw Mahattaya visiting a house in Malappe, a small village in Chunnakam, in the vicinity of the railway station. They said that, he had lunch in the house, and many bodyguards were in attendance.
Mahattaya then crossed the Kantherodai-Punnalaikadduwan road and walked through the tobacco gardens towards Jaffna. After the fall of Chunnakam on October 10, within 17 days the entire Jaffna Peninsula had fallen into the hands of the Indian army and the LTTE cadres fell back into jungle hideouts in Vanni. Mahattaya was at Putur-Vannivilankulam and Prabhakaran at Alampil so they were unable to meet in person due to the intensity of the India offensive.
In the meantime, several newspapers reported that Prabhakaran had been killed in a shootout. Obviously he was not dead, and the story is believed to have been planted by Indian intelligence agents to disrupt the Premadasa-LTTE talks that began in April 1989, but the ply did not work. In November 1989 Mahattaya went to Colombo to participate in the talks, and he is said to have established a good rapport with Premadasa.
While in Colombo the LTTE formed a political party, the Peoples' Front of Liberation Tigers (PFLT - in Tamil, Makkal Munnani). Mahattaya was given the role of president and Yogaratnam Yogi was made secretary general. The constitution of the PFLT provided the basis for a genuine democratic party, allowing for the representation and participation of all sorts of people. A copy of the party's constitution, along with an application for the registration of the party, was handed over to the Commissioner of Election. He, after consulting with President Premadasa, reluctantly registered PFLT as a political party with the Tiger symbol as its emblem.
The inaugural conference of PFLT was held at Vaharai, in the Batticaloa district, from February 24 to March 1, 1990. Mahattaya presided over the conference successfully and organizers from throughout Northeast gathered and formally endorsed PFLT's constitution and manifesto. Under the chairmanship of Mahattaya the organizers resolved to:
Dissolve the undemocratically elected Northeast Provincial Council and urge the government hold fresh elections;
Urge the government to repeal the sixth amendment to the constitution;
Urge for the unity of Muslims and Tamils to fight to win their rights and protect their homelands and improve their economic conditions;
Prevent Sinhala colonization in the North and East;
Sri Lankan security forces should not be involved in the law and order functions in the North and East;
Political rights to be granted to Tamils of Indian origin, and
The lifting of the emergency regulations currently in force in the North and East. It was estimated nearly 15,000 people participated in this conference, after which Mahattaya met Premadasa and demanded:
All patrolling by the Sri Lankan army in the Eastern Province should cease immediately;
All army camps situated near schools and places of worships in Tamil areas should be removed and:
Security camps in the North and East should not exceed one or two per district. When Mahattaya was in Colombo, he was very popular among government leaders and was contacted by many regarding a number of affairs. During this period, it was said that, Mahattaya and Premadasa had established a good working relationship. Also it was reported that, Mahattaya had established contacts with the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of India, the intelligence agency. S Chandrasekeran, alias Chandran, the Additional Secretary of the Cabinet Secretariat and the high-powered officer in charge of RAW operations in Sri Lanka, met Mahattaya secretly in Colombo.
Suddenly it became known that on the orders of Mahattaya his right hand confidante, Visu, assassinated A Amirthalingham, the Secretary General of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), and S Yogeswaran, an ex-Member of Parliament from Jaffna.
Meanwhile, Mahattaya was sent to the Eastern Province to take charge of the LTTE's military campaign against the TNA and the Sri Lankan security forces. As usual, he was ruthless and brutal and was involved in attacks on civilians and the massacre of Muslims, which brought the wrath of Muslims nationally and also internationally.
But after the murder of Amrithalingham, Pottu Amman, alias Shanmugalingham Sivasankaran, smelt foul play and he began to monitor closely the activities of Mahattaya. The intelligence unit, the Aiyyana Group, broke into and monitored the powerful two-way radio communication emerging from Mahattaya's base.
Meantime, Prabhakaran summoned a cross section of the citizens of Jaffna who were long time supporters of the LTTE and read out a 10-page charge-sheet against Mahattaya. Prabhakaran said that Mahattaya had been asked to respond to the charge-sheet by July 31. Prior to that, it is learnt that he had requested Mahattaya to meet him, but he refused to do so. After July 31, Mahattaya was approached for his explanation, but his curt rejoinder was, "Let Prabhakaran come to me if he wants my explanation." As Mahattaya was adamant, it became a prestige issue for the leader to subdue his deputy.
On the information provided by the intelligence unit, Prabhakaran relieved Mahattaya of the leadership of the Makkal Munnani (PFLT), and from the deputy leadership of the LTTE. Prabhakaran sent him on a special assignment to the Eastern Province. After General Denzil Kobbekaduwa and others died in a land mine blast on August 8, 1992, the military balance began to tilt in the LTTE's favor, and Prabhakaran recalled Mahattaya and gave him an inactive position, looking after the welfare of refugees and injured LTTE cadres. He was also allowed to retain his 75 personnel bodyguard unit.
Adele Balasingham, in her The Will to Freedom, writes, "Bala and I were well aware of the background to the story of Mahattaya's downfall. The primary reason was his utter mismanagement of the party and the effect on the movement's support base. Mahattaya in his role as the leader of the party and deputy leader of the LTTE, assumed an autocratic style and appointed his henchmen to the seats of power in the political organization in violation of the party constitution. The constitution stipulated an electoral system for the selection of the party officials from village to district levels. Mahattaya's action undermined the project of democratization of the party organs and failed to reflect the will of the people. Eventually PFLT became a corrupt institution promoting the interests of a few individuals, who were loyal to Mahattaya. The public resentment was so widespread, it compelled the LTTE to dissolve the party organization or risk further alienation. Mahattaya lost his positions as party leader as well as the deputy leader of the LTTE as a result. Though the LTTE Central Committee and the General Council made decision after lengthy discussions, Mahathaya felt the move to oust was an act of personal vendetta by Mr. Pirabakaran and he was determined to challenge the decision." - Pages 296-297.
Gradually, events began to work against Mahattaya, and Baby Subramaniam, one of the founding leaders of the LTTE, became the deputy leader.
Pottu Amman and his group sustained serious injuries but narrowly escaped death when an unidentified assailant lobbed a bomb onto the vehicle in which they were traveling, near Kopay. The situation worsened when the LTTE became more and more suspicious of Mahattaya. They found out that he had betrayed Kittu to the Indians and Sri Lankan intelligence agencies, leading to Kittu's death by suicide in the Palk straits in January 1993.
Again Adele Balasingham writes, "It was around 10pm on a hot day on March 1993 when Mr Mahendrarajah [Mahattaya], the deputy head of the LTTE, entered our residence in Kokuvil, Jaffna and announced he was going to observe a fast-unto-death in our house and demanded a room for that purpose.
"Mahattaya looked nervous and agitated. Dressed casually in a sarong and shirt and carrying a small luggage bag with a few personal items, he claimed that his fast had begun the very moment he entered our house and his four-wheel drive Pajero vehicle was parked near the gate. Taken aback by this sudden development, Bala and I queried as to why he wanted to fast-unto-death and for what reason he had chosen our residence, as the venue to launch his campaign.
"Mahattaya explained that he was disillusioned with the LTTE leadership, particularly with Mr Pirabakaran, for removing him from the chairmanship of the political party (PFLT) and also from the deputy leadership of the LTTE. He said that the decision was unfair and unacceptable and therefore he wanted to register his protest in the form of fasting. Insofar as his choice of our residence as the venue of fasting was concerned, he explained that it was the place where all leaders and commanders of the LTTE, as well as the local journalists visit, therefore his protest would be known to the entire movement as well as to the public, if it is performed in our house.
"For several hours through the night, we pleaded with Mahattaya to give up his fast and resolve the matter through discussion with the leadership, rather than undertaking this mode of protest. We also felt unhappy over the choice of our residence as the venue of his fasting. That would implicate us as accessories to Mahattaya's scheme of things, in our view. Finally, Mahattaya relented when we argued that he had the right to protest, but not in our residence. He decided to give up his fast when Bala promised to hand over his letter of protest to Mr Pirabakaran. Thus, the drama ended in the following morning and Mahattaya left our house with his bodyguards and with an element of satisfaction that, he had registered with the Balasingham by observing a night of fasting. The incident was the tip of the iceberg insofar as Mahattaya's affair was concerned as we later learned." - Pages 296-297.
For the first time, Munchari, a Tamil weekly from Canada, came out with the news of the arrest and incarceration of Mahattaya, on charges of treason by the Tiger Supremo Prabhakaran.
Subsequently this writer conducted interviews with those LTTE fighters who left the organization and those who left for medical reasons with the approval of the leadership. Fortunately, this writer stumbled on two relatively middle-level senior LTTE leaders, who happened to be members of the team that went to arrest Mahattaya and his group.
When the LTTE high command learnt that Mahattaya was responsible for the death of Kittu, they acted immediately. They urgently assembled a high-powered hit-squad, including all their leading commanders, namely Sornam, the leader of the elite Tiger commando group, Balraj the deputy commander of the LTTE, Soosai, the commander of the Sea Tigers, and others.
Pottu Amman, the intelligence chief, led the hit-squad. The special squad launched its operation to arrest Mahattaya on March 31, 1993, before dawn and they managed to overpower his guards, without resistance in a base at Kokuvil.
When the squad entered the domestic quarters, Mahattaya who was at that time inside the toilet. As he emerged, Sornam told him, "Annan [elder brother] wants you, come with us," Unsuspecting, Mahathaya, told him, "You better go, I will follow you." Sornam reiterated, "No, you have to come now, Annan wants you immediately." Mahattaya, was agitated a little and said, "I told you to go, I will come." Sensing the mood inside the living room, Pottu Amman, who stood outside the main entrance, entered with the other commanders and said, " No, you must come at once." When Mahattaya saw Pottu Amman and others, he sensed the seriousness and told his wife without losing his equanimity, "Do not worry, whatever decision Annan takes, it will always be the right one," and followed them. They took him to an intelligence unit base at Chavakachceri for interrogation.
At the time of Mahattaya's arrest, his trusted lieutenant, K D Suresh, was away at Putur-Vannivilankulam to convey Mahattaya's orders to their accomplice, planted as one of Prabhakaran's guards.
Subsequently, Suresh and other fugitives were arrested and turned over to the intelligence unit. A week before the arrest of Mahattaya, the LTTE's intelligence unit spotted in Jaffna city, a handicapped ex-LTTE cadre named Engineer, alias Manickavasagam Mahendrajah. One of his legs had been lost during the Jaffna Fort military campaign.
The LTTE discharged him and he went to Chennai by boat to obtain a prosthesis, a Jaipur foot. Pottu Amman ordered his men to watch Engineer's activities. They arrested him on the third day, while he was returning from Mahattaya's base at Koandvil and took him for questioning.
At the interrogation it became evident that, there was a ploy to destabilize the LTTE. According to Engineer, he was arrested in Madras on suspicion, in connection with Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, while he was living in Chennai. RAW agents, who had a full dossier on him, spotted him and initiated confidential discussions. Subsequently, they sent Engineer, via Colombo, with a message to Mahattaya. RAW instructed Mahattaya to dump Prabhakaran and to be ready to assume the leadership of a North-East autonomous region. After the meeting with Engineer, Mahattaya dispatched Suresh with instructions to arrange the assassination of Prabhakaran.
At the investigation, it became clear that Suresh, who had arrived at Putur-Vannivilakulam, could not establish contact with their hit-man to convey Mahattaya's urgent order.
In the meantime, the LTTE cadres, who were in a prison at Vellore, Tamil Nadu, staged a dramatic escape. The LTTE dispatched two speed boats to bring back 14 escapees safely and gave them a rousing heroes' welcome. Meanwhile, the LTTE office in Jaffna received a letter regarding the phony jail-break staged by RAW.
On receipt of the letter, the intelligence unit alerted the leadership. Within a few days ,they arrested those 14 masqueraded as heroes. At the inquiry it became clear that, RAW operatives regularly visited them and held lengthy discussions and finally they agreed to work for the RAW.
According to RAW's instructions, those 14 escapees were to free Mahattaya and also to arrange the assassination of Prabhakaran. It came to light that one Susilan, a confidante of Mahattaya, was the one planted to assassinate Prabhakaran. Susilan, after his arrest, admitted that he was instructed to shoot down Prabhakaran.
The media in Sri Lanka were aware that Mahattaya had been arrested and was under investigation, but nobody knew the charges and the plight of Mahattaya. Even in 1998, news items appeared that Mahattaya was still alive and he was shown to LTTE cadres in a jail in Thunukai.
In 2001, when Adele Balasingham published her book, The Will to Freedom, supposed to be the official version of the LTTE, the world came to know that Mahattaya, had been officially executed on December 28, 1994.
The LTTE high command had decided against publicizing Mahattaya's investigation report, thus keeping many intriguing issues in secret.
Adele Balasingham in her The Will to Freedom writes, "About a month later [From the date Mahattaya wanted to have the fast at the residence of Balasingham] Mahathaya and some of his close associates were arrested by the LTTE's intelligence wing for conspiring to assassinate Mr Pirabakaran. In a massive cordon and search of his camp in Manipay - supervised by senior commanders of the LTTE - Mahattaya was taken into custody along with his friends. We were shocked and surprised by this sudden turn of events. Mr Pirabakaran, who visited our residence that day, told us briefly of a plot hatched by the Indian external intelligence agency - the RAW - involving Mahattaya as the chief conspirator to assassinate him and to take over the leadership of the LTTE. He also said that further investigations were needed to unravel the full scope of the conspiracy.
"The investigations took several months to complete. Mahattaya, his close associates involved in the conspiracy and several other cadres, who functioned directly under him, were thoroughly investigated. Finally a complete story of a plot emerged. Confessions by all main actors were tape recorded and video filmed. The leadership also arranged a series of meetings for all the LTTE cadres to explain the aims and objectives behind the plot. Apart from Mahattaya, other senior cadres who were involved in the conspiracy were allowed to make public confessions during those meetings confirming their involvement. It was a complicated and bizarre story of the Indian intelligence agency establishing secret contacts with Mahattaya through his close associates, with the promise of huge funds and political backing from India, if the plot succeeded and the LTTE leadership was eliminated. A former bodyguard of Mr Pirabakaran was secretly released from the Indian jail in Tamil Nadu and trained as the main assassin. He was sent to Jaffna with an intriguing story of a successful jailbreak as cover. His assignment was to plant a time bomb in Pirabakaran's bedroom as a part of the overall plot planned by Mahattaya. The young man as soon as he landed in Jaffna was once again included amongst Mr Pirabakaran's bodyguards. Surprisingly, just a few days before his arrest, he visited our residence to tell us fabulous stories about his jail break. The investigation established without any doubt that Mahattaya was the chief conspirator. The plot was to assassinate Mr Pirabakaran and some senior commanders loyal to him and assume the leadership of the organization. On 28 December 1994, Mahattaya and few of his fellow conspirators were executed on charges of conspiracy to eliminate the leadership." - Page 298.
source :atimes.com
Mahendrarajah, alias Mahattaya, joined the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 1978. He was born in 1956, but unlike most of the LTTE leaders he was not from Valvetiturai, but from Point Pedro East. He was educated at Chidampara College, Valvetiturai. He joined the LTTE in the same year as Sathasivam Krishnakumar, alias Kittu, and Raghu. Mahattaya was from the Karaiyar caste (fishing community), as was Velupillai Prabhakaran, the LTTE supremo, who personally admitted him into the organization.
After the incident, Major Aruna, alias Selvaswamy Selvakumar, of the LTTE, went berserk. He fired his M-16 at innocent captives from the rival Tamil militant groups at Kandan Karunai prison, killing scores of them. The LTTE high command did not approve of the carnage and when Aruna died in a battle, they decided not to include his name in the martyrs' list.
After Kittu became crippled and was forced out of the military arena, Mahattaya became virtually second to Prabhakaran and was delegated with the authority to negotiate with Indian High Commission officials regarding the establishment of the Interim Administration of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Mahattaya signed a 14-point agreement with Puri, the First Secretary (Political), of the High Commission of India in Sri Lanka, on September 28, 1987, in his capacity as the deputy leader of the LTTE. This was the first time that he was officially elevated to the position of deputy.
Prior to signing of this agreement, Mahattaya was dispatched to Batticaloa by Prabhakaran to deal with the leaders of the Peoples Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE). On September 11, Mahattaya went to Batticaloa with his assistant Yogi and met with the region's LTTE commanders, Reagan and Karuna. It was finalized in a secret confab to assemble 100 Tiger cadres and disperse them in groups in various locations to attack EPRLF, PLOTE and ENDLF members, who were considered rival groups.
On September 13, Mahattaya invited R Vasudeva, the deputy leader of the PLOTE for a peace meeting. The unsuspecting Vasudeva went in a van with his close associates, but on the way, they were attacked by LTTE gunmen. Within two hours, some 70 other members of other organizations were killed by the Tiger cadres led by Mahattaya.
Meanwhile, on October 4, Mahattaya and Anton Balasingham were granted permission to meet their arrested colleagues.
On the evening of October 5, when they were about be forced to board a flight to Colombo, all of them swallowed cyanide capsules. which had been given to them by Mahattaya and Anton Balasingham. This had been done on the orders of Prabhakaran.
Subsequently, Mahattaya, on October 6, launched the LTTE-Indian war with a rocket attack on a jeep carrying five India soldiers near the gate of the cement factory at Kankesanthurai. Following the outbreak of the war, the LTTE leadership then began to relocate its headquarters to the Vanni region, a sprawling jungle terrain south of the Jaffna peninsula, in the mainland.
People in Chunnakam reported that they saw Mahattaya visiting a house in Malappe, a small village in Chunnakam, in the vicinity of the railway station. They said that, he had lunch in the house, and many bodyguards were in attendance.
Mahattaya then crossed the Kantherodai-Punnalaikadduwan road and walked through the tobacco gardens towards Jaffna. After the fall of Chunnakam on October 10, within 17 days the entire Jaffna Peninsula had fallen into the hands of the Indian army and the LTTE cadres fell back into jungle hideouts in Vanni. Mahattaya was at Putur-Vannivilankulam and Prabhakaran at Alampil so they were unable to meet in person due to the intensity of the India offensive.
In the meantime, several newspapers reported that Prabhakaran had been killed in a shootout. Obviously he was not dead, and the story is believed to have been planted by Indian intelligence agents to disrupt the Premadasa-LTTE talks that began in April 1989, but the ply did not work. In November 1989 Mahattaya went to Colombo to participate in the talks, and he is said to have established a good rapport with Premadasa.
While in Colombo the LTTE formed a political party, the Peoples' Front of Liberation Tigers (PFLT - in Tamil, Makkal Munnani). Mahattaya was given the role of president and Yogaratnam Yogi was made secretary general. The constitution of the PFLT provided the basis for a genuine democratic party, allowing for the representation and participation of all sorts of people. A copy of the party's constitution, along with an application for the registration of the party, was handed over to the Commissioner of Election. He, after consulting with President Premadasa, reluctantly registered PFLT as a political party with the Tiger symbol as its emblem.
The inaugural conference of PFLT was held at Vaharai, in the Batticaloa district, from February 24 to March 1, 1990. Mahattaya presided over the conference successfully and organizers from throughout Northeast gathered and formally endorsed PFLT's constitution and manifesto. Under the chairmanship of Mahattaya the organizers resolved to:
Dissolve the undemocratically elected Northeast Provincial Council and urge the government hold fresh elections;
Urge the government to repeal the sixth amendment to the constitution;
Urge for the unity of Muslims and Tamils to fight to win their rights and protect their homelands and improve their economic conditions;
Prevent Sinhala colonization in the North and East;
Sri Lankan security forces should not be involved in the law and order functions in the North and East;
Political rights to be granted to Tamils of Indian origin, and
The lifting of the emergency regulations currently in force in the North and East. It was estimated nearly 15,000 people participated in this conference, after which Mahattaya met Premadasa and demanded:
All patrolling by the Sri Lankan army in the Eastern Province should cease immediately;
All army camps situated near schools and places of worships in Tamil areas should be removed and:
Security camps in the North and East should not exceed one or two per district. When Mahattaya was in Colombo, he was very popular among government leaders and was contacted by many regarding a number of affairs. During this period, it was said that, Mahattaya and Premadasa had established a good working relationship. Also it was reported that, Mahattaya had established contacts with the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of India, the intelligence agency. S Chandrasekeran, alias Chandran, the Additional Secretary of the Cabinet Secretariat and the high-powered officer in charge of RAW operations in Sri Lanka, met Mahattaya secretly in Colombo.
Suddenly it became known that on the orders of Mahattaya his right hand confidante, Visu, assassinated A Amirthalingham, the Secretary General of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), and S Yogeswaran, an ex-Member of Parliament from Jaffna.
Meanwhile, Mahattaya was sent to the Eastern Province to take charge of the LTTE's military campaign against the TNA and the Sri Lankan security forces. As usual, he was ruthless and brutal and was involved in attacks on civilians and the massacre of Muslims, which brought the wrath of Muslims nationally and also internationally.
But after the murder of Amrithalingham, Pottu Amman, alias Shanmugalingham Sivasankaran, smelt foul play and he began to monitor closely the activities of Mahattaya. The intelligence unit, the Aiyyana Group, broke into and monitored the powerful two-way radio communication emerging from Mahattaya's base.
Meantime, Prabhakaran summoned a cross section of the citizens of Jaffna who were long time supporters of the LTTE and read out a 10-page charge-sheet against Mahattaya. Prabhakaran said that Mahattaya had been asked to respond to the charge-sheet by July 31. Prior to that, it is learnt that he had requested Mahattaya to meet him, but he refused to do so. After July 31, Mahattaya was approached for his explanation, but his curt rejoinder was, "Let Prabhakaran come to me if he wants my explanation." As Mahattaya was adamant, it became a prestige issue for the leader to subdue his deputy.
On the information provided by the intelligence unit, Prabhakaran relieved Mahattaya of the leadership of the Makkal Munnani (PFLT), and from the deputy leadership of the LTTE. Prabhakaran sent him on a special assignment to the Eastern Province. After General Denzil Kobbekaduwa and others died in a land mine blast on August 8, 1992, the military balance began to tilt in the LTTE's favor, and Prabhakaran recalled Mahattaya and gave him an inactive position, looking after the welfare of refugees and injured LTTE cadres. He was also allowed to retain his 75 personnel bodyguard unit.
Adele Balasingham, in her The Will to Freedom, writes, "Bala and I were well aware of the background to the story of Mahattaya's downfall. The primary reason was his utter mismanagement of the party and the effect on the movement's support base. Mahattaya in his role as the leader of the party and deputy leader of the LTTE, assumed an autocratic style and appointed his henchmen to the seats of power in the political organization in violation of the party constitution. The constitution stipulated an electoral system for the selection of the party officials from village to district levels. Mahattaya's action undermined the project of democratization of the party organs and failed to reflect the will of the people. Eventually PFLT became a corrupt institution promoting the interests of a few individuals, who were loyal to Mahattaya. The public resentment was so widespread, it compelled the LTTE to dissolve the party organization or risk further alienation. Mahattaya lost his positions as party leader as well as the deputy leader of the LTTE as a result. Though the LTTE Central Committee and the General Council made decision after lengthy discussions, Mahathaya felt the move to oust was an act of personal vendetta by Mr. Pirabakaran and he was determined to challenge the decision." - Pages 296-297.
Gradually, events began to work against Mahattaya, and Baby Subramaniam, one of the founding leaders of the LTTE, became the deputy leader.
Pottu Amman and his group sustained serious injuries but narrowly escaped death when an unidentified assailant lobbed a bomb onto the vehicle in which they were traveling, near Kopay. The situation worsened when the LTTE became more and more suspicious of Mahattaya. They found out that he had betrayed Kittu to the Indians and Sri Lankan intelligence agencies, leading to Kittu's death by suicide in the Palk straits in January 1993.
Again Adele Balasingham writes, "It was around 10pm on a hot day on March 1993 when Mr Mahendrarajah [Mahattaya], the deputy head of the LTTE, entered our residence in Kokuvil, Jaffna and announced he was going to observe a fast-unto-death in our house and demanded a room for that purpose.
"Mahattaya looked nervous and agitated. Dressed casually in a sarong and shirt and carrying a small luggage bag with a few personal items, he claimed that his fast had begun the very moment he entered our house and his four-wheel drive Pajero vehicle was parked near the gate. Taken aback by this sudden development, Bala and I queried as to why he wanted to fast-unto-death and for what reason he had chosen our residence, as the venue to launch his campaign.
"Mahattaya explained that he was disillusioned with the LTTE leadership, particularly with Mr Pirabakaran, for removing him from the chairmanship of the political party (PFLT) and also from the deputy leadership of the LTTE. He said that the decision was unfair and unacceptable and therefore he wanted to register his protest in the form of fasting. Insofar as his choice of our residence as the venue of fasting was concerned, he explained that it was the place where all leaders and commanders of the LTTE, as well as the local journalists visit, therefore his protest would be known to the entire movement as well as to the public, if it is performed in our house.
"For several hours through the night, we pleaded with Mahattaya to give up his fast and resolve the matter through discussion with the leadership, rather than undertaking this mode of protest. We also felt unhappy over the choice of our residence as the venue of his fasting. That would implicate us as accessories to Mahattaya's scheme of things, in our view. Finally, Mahattaya relented when we argued that he had the right to protest, but not in our residence. He decided to give up his fast when Bala promised to hand over his letter of protest to Mr Pirabakaran. Thus, the drama ended in the following morning and Mahattaya left our house with his bodyguards and with an element of satisfaction that, he had registered with the Balasingham by observing a night of fasting. The incident was the tip of the iceberg insofar as Mahattaya's affair was concerned as we later learned." - Pages 296-297.
For the first time, Munchari, a Tamil weekly from Canada, came out with the news of the arrest and incarceration of Mahattaya, on charges of treason by the Tiger Supremo Prabhakaran.
Subsequently this writer conducted interviews with those LTTE fighters who left the organization and those who left for medical reasons with the approval of the leadership. Fortunately, this writer stumbled on two relatively middle-level senior LTTE leaders, who happened to be members of the team that went to arrest Mahattaya and his group.
When the LTTE high command learnt that Mahattaya was responsible for the death of Kittu, they acted immediately. They urgently assembled a high-powered hit-squad, including all their leading commanders, namely Sornam, the leader of the elite Tiger commando group, Balraj the deputy commander of the LTTE, Soosai, the commander of the Sea Tigers, and others.
Pottu Amman, the intelligence chief, led the hit-squad. The special squad launched its operation to arrest Mahattaya on March 31, 1993, before dawn and they managed to overpower his guards, without resistance in a base at Kokuvil.
When the squad entered the domestic quarters, Mahattaya who was at that time inside the toilet. As he emerged, Sornam told him, "Annan [elder brother] wants you, come with us," Unsuspecting, Mahathaya, told him, "You better go, I will follow you." Sornam reiterated, "No, you have to come now, Annan wants you immediately." Mahattaya, was agitated a little and said, "I told you to go, I will come." Sensing the mood inside the living room, Pottu Amman, who stood outside the main entrance, entered with the other commanders and said, " No, you must come at once." When Mahattaya saw Pottu Amman and others, he sensed the seriousness and told his wife without losing his equanimity, "Do not worry, whatever decision Annan takes, it will always be the right one," and followed them. They took him to an intelligence unit base at Chavakachceri for interrogation.
At the time of Mahattaya's arrest, his trusted lieutenant, K D Suresh, was away at Putur-Vannivilankulam to convey Mahattaya's orders to their accomplice, planted as one of Prabhakaran's guards.
Subsequently, Suresh and other fugitives were arrested and turned over to the intelligence unit. A week before the arrest of Mahattaya, the LTTE's intelligence unit spotted in Jaffna city, a handicapped ex-LTTE cadre named Engineer, alias Manickavasagam Mahendrajah. One of his legs had been lost during the Jaffna Fort military campaign.
The LTTE discharged him and he went to Chennai by boat to obtain a prosthesis, a Jaipur foot. Pottu Amman ordered his men to watch Engineer's activities. They arrested him on the third day, while he was returning from Mahattaya's base at Koandvil and took him for questioning.
At the interrogation it became evident that, there was a ploy to destabilize the LTTE. According to Engineer, he was arrested in Madras on suspicion, in connection with Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, while he was living in Chennai. RAW agents, who had a full dossier on him, spotted him and initiated confidential discussions. Subsequently, they sent Engineer, via Colombo, with a message to Mahattaya. RAW instructed Mahattaya to dump Prabhakaran and to be ready to assume the leadership of a North-East autonomous region. After the meeting with Engineer, Mahattaya dispatched Suresh with instructions to arrange the assassination of Prabhakaran.
At the investigation, it became clear that Suresh, who had arrived at Putur-Vannivilakulam, could not establish contact with their hit-man to convey Mahattaya's urgent order.
In the meantime, the LTTE cadres, who were in a prison at Vellore, Tamil Nadu, staged a dramatic escape. The LTTE dispatched two speed boats to bring back 14 escapees safely and gave them a rousing heroes' welcome. Meanwhile, the LTTE office in Jaffna received a letter regarding the phony jail-break staged by RAW.
On receipt of the letter, the intelligence unit alerted the leadership. Within a few days ,they arrested those 14 masqueraded as heroes. At the inquiry it became clear that, RAW operatives regularly visited them and held lengthy discussions and finally they agreed to work for the RAW.
According to RAW's instructions, those 14 escapees were to free Mahattaya and also to arrange the assassination of Prabhakaran. It came to light that one Susilan, a confidante of Mahattaya, was the one planted to assassinate Prabhakaran. Susilan, after his arrest, admitted that he was instructed to shoot down Prabhakaran.
The media in Sri Lanka were aware that Mahattaya had been arrested and was under investigation, but nobody knew the charges and the plight of Mahattaya. Even in 1998, news items appeared that Mahattaya was still alive and he was shown to LTTE cadres in a jail in Thunukai.
In 2001, when Adele Balasingham published her book, The Will to Freedom, supposed to be the official version of the LTTE, the world came to know that Mahattaya, had been officially executed on December 28, 1994.
The LTTE high command had decided against publicizing Mahattaya's investigation report, thus keeping many intriguing issues in secret.
Adele Balasingham in her The Will to Freedom writes, "About a month later [From the date Mahattaya wanted to have the fast at the residence of Balasingham] Mahathaya and some of his close associates were arrested by the LTTE's intelligence wing for conspiring to assassinate Mr Pirabakaran. In a massive cordon and search of his camp in Manipay - supervised by senior commanders of the LTTE - Mahattaya was taken into custody along with his friends. We were shocked and surprised by this sudden turn of events. Mr Pirabakaran, who visited our residence that day, told us briefly of a plot hatched by the Indian external intelligence agency - the RAW - involving Mahattaya as the chief conspirator to assassinate him and to take over the leadership of the LTTE. He also said that further investigations were needed to unravel the full scope of the conspiracy.
"The investigations took several months to complete. Mahattaya, his close associates involved in the conspiracy and several other cadres, who functioned directly under him, were thoroughly investigated. Finally a complete story of a plot emerged. Confessions by all main actors were tape recorded and video filmed. The leadership also arranged a series of meetings for all the LTTE cadres to explain the aims and objectives behind the plot. Apart from Mahattaya, other senior cadres who were involved in the conspiracy were allowed to make public confessions during those meetings confirming their involvement. It was a complicated and bizarre story of the Indian intelligence agency establishing secret contacts with Mahattaya through his close associates, with the promise of huge funds and political backing from India, if the plot succeeded and the LTTE leadership was eliminated. A former bodyguard of Mr Pirabakaran was secretly released from the Indian jail in Tamil Nadu and trained as the main assassin. He was sent to Jaffna with an intriguing story of a successful jailbreak as cover. His assignment was to plant a time bomb in Pirabakaran's bedroom as a part of the overall plot planned by Mahattaya. The young man as soon as he landed in Jaffna was once again included amongst Mr Pirabakaran's bodyguards. Surprisingly, just a few days before his arrest, he visited our residence to tell us fabulous stories about his jail break. The investigation established without any doubt that Mahattaya was the chief conspirator. The plot was to assassinate Mr Pirabakaran and some senior commanders loyal to him and assume the leadership of the organization. On 28 December 1994, Mahattaya and few of his fellow conspirators were executed on charges of conspiracy to eliminate the leadership." - Page 298.
source :atimes.com
Wednesday, March 24, 2010
Sinhalese soldiers, hooligans destroy Thileepan memorial in Jaffna
A gang of Sinhalese army soldiers and hooligans went on rampage Monday night, demolishing the memorial pillar of Lt. Col. Thileepan (Rasiah Parthipan) located behind the historic Nalloor Kanthasuvami Koayil on Point Pedro-Nalloor road, residents of the area said. Lt. Col. Thileepan began his fasting on 15 September 1987 in front of the Nalloor Kandasuvami temple placing five demands to the Indian government but died as India failed to meet the demands, on September 26, 1987.
The thugs who demolished Thileepan’s memorial pillar Sunday night have taken the premises into their possession and have started using the memorial pillar to dry their washings, the sources added.
Meanwhile, a large number of Sinhalese traders and vendors have encroached the surroundings of Nalloor temple, with the blessings of Jaffna Municipal Council, where they have erected small stalls and shops.
Though local media and traders had repeatedly complained about this to Jaffna Municipality, but its administration being in the hands of ruling United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), nothing had been done to evacuate the Sinhalese encroachers.
Thileeepan’s statue first erected in 1988 was completely destroyed by Sri Lankan Army (SLA) when it moved in to occupy Jaffna in 1996.
When Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) was implemented in 2002, the statue was reconstructed by the public. However, when clashes erupted between SLA and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Thileepan's photograph and decorative lamps were damaged the by SLA troops on 26 October, 2006.
Thileepan, LTTE's political wing leader for the Jaffna district, soon after the signing of the Indo-Sri Lankan agreement in 1987, fasted unto death in a twelve day campaign after putting forward five demands to the Indian government to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people.
The five demands Lt. Colonel Thileepan put forward to the Indian government were:
• All Tamils detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) should be released.
• The colonization by Sinhalese in Tamil areas under the guise of rehabilitation should be stopped.
• All such rehabilitation should be stopped until an interim government is formed.
http://www.tamilnet.com/
The thugs who demolished Thileepan’s memorial pillar Sunday night have taken the premises into their possession and have started using the memorial pillar to dry their washings, the sources added.
Meanwhile, a large number of Sinhalese traders and vendors have encroached the surroundings of Nalloor temple, with the blessings of Jaffna Municipal Council, where they have erected small stalls and shops.
Though local media and traders had repeatedly complained about this to Jaffna Municipality, but its administration being in the hands of ruling United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), nothing had been done to evacuate the Sinhalese encroachers.
Thileeepan’s statue first erected in 1988 was completely destroyed by Sri Lankan Army (SLA) when it moved in to occupy Jaffna in 1996.
When Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) was implemented in 2002, the statue was reconstructed by the public. However, when clashes erupted between SLA and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Thileepan's photograph and decorative lamps were damaged the by SLA troops on 26 October, 2006.
Thileepan, LTTE's political wing leader for the Jaffna district, soon after the signing of the Indo-Sri Lankan agreement in 1987, fasted unto death in a twelve day campaign after putting forward five demands to the Indian government to meet the aspirations of the Tamil people.
The five demands Lt. Colonel Thileepan put forward to the Indian government were:
• All Tamils detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) should be released.
• The colonization by Sinhalese in Tamil areas under the guise of rehabilitation should be stopped.
• All such rehabilitation should be stopped until an interim government is formed.
• The Sri Lankan government should stop opening new Police stations and camps in the North and Eastern provinces The Sri Lankan army and Police should withdraw from schools in Tamil villages and the weapons given by the Sri Lankan government to 'homeguards' should be withdrawn under the supervision of the Indian army. The people of Jaffna peninsula are in grief over this vandalism of the government in removing traces of freedom fighters who fought to liberate the Tamils, in the North.
http://www.tamilnet.com/
புலிகளின் அச்சம் காரணமாகவே இராணுவ முகாம்கள் நிறுவப்பட்டுள்ளன : இராணுவ பேச்சாளர்
தமிழ் மக்களை அடக்குமுறைக்கு உட்படுத்தும் நோக்கில் இராணுவ முகாம்கள் அமைக்கப்படவில்லை எனவும், தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகள் மற்றும் ஏனைய சக்திகளிடமிருந்து தமிழ் மக்களை பாதுகாப்பதற்காகவே இவ்வாறு முகாம்கள் நிறுவப்பட்டுள்ளதாகவும் இராணுவப் பேச்சாளர் மேஜர் ஜெனரல் பிரசாத் சமரசிங்க தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.
வடக்கு கிழக்கு தமிழ் மக்களை இராணுவ ரீதியில் அடக்குமுறைக்கு உட்படுத்தும் நோக்கில் நூற்றுக்கும் மேற்பட்ட இராணுவ முகாம்கள் குறித்த பிரதேசத்தில் அமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதாக சுமத்தப்படும் குற்றச்சாட்டுக்களில் உண்மையில்லை எனவும், மக்களின் பாதுகாப்பை உறுதிப்படுத்தும் நோக்கிலேயே இராணுவ முகாம்கள் அமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதாகவும் அவர் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார்.
யுத்தம் ஆரம்பமான காலம் முதல் இராணுவ முகாம்கள் காணப்படுவதாகவும், இடம்பெயர் மக்கள் உள்ளிட்ட சகலரையும் பாதுகாக்கும் நோக்கிலேயே இராணுவ முகாம்கள் அமைக்கப்பட்டிருப்பதாகவும் அவர் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.
யுத்த வலயத்தில் சுமார் 147 இராணுவ முகாம்கள் நிறுவப்பட்டுள்ளதாக அண்மையில் தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு கட்சி குற்றம் சுமத்தியுள்ளது.
கிளிநொச்சி, மாங்குளம், முல்லைத்தீவு, கொக்காவில் போன்ற பிரதேசங்களில் மிக நீண்ட காலமாக இராணுவ முகாம்கள் காணப்படுவதாக அவர் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.
பாதுகாப்பு காரணங்களினால் எத்தனை முகாம்கள் நிறுவப்பட்டுள்ளன என்பது குறித்த தகவலை வெளியிட முடியாதென அவர் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார்.
தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளை முற்றாக ஒழித்துவிட்டதாக பாரிய பரப்புரையினையும் வெற்றி விழாக்களையும் முன்னெடுத்த படைத்தரப்பும், அரச தரப்பும் தற்போது அதற்கு மாற்றான தகவல்களை இடையிடையே வெளிப்படுத்தி வருகின்றமையானது, அரச தரப்பினரிடையே விடுதலைப்புலிகள் என்கின்ற அச்சம் இன்னமும் முற்றாக நீங்கிவிடவில்லை என்பதையே சுட்டிக்காட்டுகின்றது.
அதேவேளை, தமிழீழ விடுதலைப்புலிகளின் தலைவர் வேலுப்பிள்ளை பிரபாகரன், புலனாய்வுப் பிரிவுப் பொறுப்பாளர் பொட்டு அம்மான் ஆகியோர் "நாங்கள் பத்திரமாக இருக்கிறோம்" என தமிழக தலைவர் ஒருவர் உட்பட ஐந்து பேருக்கு கடிதம் அனுப்பியிருந்ததாகவும், விடுதலைப்புலிகள் அமைப்புக்கு புதிய தலைவர் ஒருவரை நியமிக்க வேண்டிய அவசியம் இல்லை எனவும் இந்திய, இலங்கை ஊடகங்களில் தகவல்கள் வெளியாகியிருந்தமையும் குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.
வடக்கு கிழக்கு தமிழ் மக்களை இராணுவ ரீதியில் அடக்குமுறைக்கு உட்படுத்தும் நோக்கில் நூற்றுக்கும் மேற்பட்ட இராணுவ முகாம்கள் குறித்த பிரதேசத்தில் அமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதாக சுமத்தப்படும் குற்றச்சாட்டுக்களில் உண்மையில்லை எனவும், மக்களின் பாதுகாப்பை உறுதிப்படுத்தும் நோக்கிலேயே இராணுவ முகாம்கள் அமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதாகவும் அவர் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார்.
யுத்தம் ஆரம்பமான காலம் முதல் இராணுவ முகாம்கள் காணப்படுவதாகவும், இடம்பெயர் மக்கள் உள்ளிட்ட சகலரையும் பாதுகாக்கும் நோக்கிலேயே இராணுவ முகாம்கள் அமைக்கப்பட்டிருப்பதாகவும் அவர் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.
யுத்த வலயத்தில் சுமார் 147 இராணுவ முகாம்கள் நிறுவப்பட்டுள்ளதாக அண்மையில் தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு கட்சி குற்றம் சுமத்தியுள்ளது.
கிளிநொச்சி, மாங்குளம், முல்லைத்தீவு, கொக்காவில் போன்ற பிரதேசங்களில் மிக நீண்ட காலமாக இராணுவ முகாம்கள் காணப்படுவதாக அவர் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.
பாதுகாப்பு காரணங்களினால் எத்தனை முகாம்கள் நிறுவப்பட்டுள்ளன என்பது குறித்த தகவலை வெளியிட முடியாதென அவர் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார்.
தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளை முற்றாக ஒழித்துவிட்டதாக பாரிய பரப்புரையினையும் வெற்றி விழாக்களையும் முன்னெடுத்த படைத்தரப்பும், அரச தரப்பும் தற்போது அதற்கு மாற்றான தகவல்களை இடையிடையே வெளிப்படுத்தி வருகின்றமையானது, அரச தரப்பினரிடையே விடுதலைப்புலிகள் என்கின்ற அச்சம் இன்னமும் முற்றாக நீங்கிவிடவில்லை என்பதையே சுட்டிக்காட்டுகின்றது.
அதேவேளை, தமிழீழ விடுதலைப்புலிகளின் தலைவர் வேலுப்பிள்ளை பிரபாகரன், புலனாய்வுப் பிரிவுப் பொறுப்பாளர் பொட்டு அம்மான் ஆகியோர் "நாங்கள் பத்திரமாக இருக்கிறோம்" என தமிழக தலைவர் ஒருவர் உட்பட ஐந்து பேருக்கு கடிதம் அனுப்பியிருந்ததாகவும், விடுதலைப்புலிகள் அமைப்புக்கு புதிய தலைவர் ஒருவரை நியமிக்க வேண்டிய அவசியம் இல்லை எனவும் இந்திய, இலங்கை ஊடகங்களில் தகவல்கள் வெளியாகியிருந்தமையும் குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.
Tuesday, March 23, 2010
கருணாவின் குண்டுதுளைக்காத வாகனத்தை அரசு மீளப்பெற்றது ?
கருணாவிற்கு வழங்கப்பட்ட குண்டு துளைக்காத கறுப்பு நிற வாகனம் சமீபத்தில் விபத்தில் சிக்கியது யாவரும் அறிந்ததே. அதை ஒருவாறு திருத்தி அதில் பயணம் செய்துவந்த கருணாவிற்கு மேலும் ஒரு சோதனை வந்துள்ளது. அவர் வாகனத்தை இலங்கை அரசு மீளப்பெற்றுவிட்டதாகவும், அவர் தற்போது சாதாரண வாகனத்திலேயே பயணம் மேற்கொள்வதாகவும் கொழும்பில் விடயம் அறிந்த வட்டாரங்கள் தெரிவித்துள்ளன. கருணாவிற்கு வழங்கப்ப்பட்ட பாதுகாப்பிலும் இலங்கை கைவைத்துள்ளதா என அறியமுடியவில்லை.
இதனையடுத்து தனது ஆயுதக் குழுவில் விசுவாசமாக உள்ள நபர்களை மட்டும் இணைத்து தனது பாதுகாப்பை தாமே மேற்கொண்டு வருவதாக கருணாவுக்கு நெருக்கமான வட்டாரங்களில் இருந்து அதிர்வு இணையத்திற்கு செய்திகள் கசிந்துள்ளது. வழமையாக கருணா சென்றுவரும் குண்டு துளைக்காத பஜோரோ வாகனத்திற்குப் பதிலாக, ஜப்பான் தயாரிப்பான வாகனம் ஒன்றையே இவர் பயன்படுத்தி வருகிறார். அது பாதுகாப்பற்றது என்ற காரணத்தால் அவர் அடிக்கடி வெளியே செல்வதை தவிர்த்து வருவதாகவும் மேலும் செய்திகள் தெரிவிக்கின்றன.
கருணாவிடம் இருந்து பெறப்பட்ட வாகனத்தை முக்கிய வி.ஜ.பி ஒருவரின் தேர்தல் பிரச்சாரங்களை கவனிக்கும் நபருக்கு கொடுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதாக தெரிவிக்கப்படுகிறது. ஒட்டுமொத்தத்தில் இவர் வெளியே வரக்க்கூடாது என்பதே இலங்கை அரசின் நோக்கமாக
http://www.athirvu.com/
இதனையடுத்து தனது ஆயுதக் குழுவில் விசுவாசமாக உள்ள நபர்களை மட்டும் இணைத்து தனது பாதுகாப்பை தாமே மேற்கொண்டு வருவதாக கருணாவுக்கு நெருக்கமான வட்டாரங்களில் இருந்து அதிர்வு இணையத்திற்கு செய்திகள் கசிந்துள்ளது. வழமையாக கருணா சென்றுவரும் குண்டு துளைக்காத பஜோரோ வாகனத்திற்குப் பதிலாக, ஜப்பான் தயாரிப்பான வாகனம் ஒன்றையே இவர் பயன்படுத்தி வருகிறார். அது பாதுகாப்பற்றது என்ற காரணத்தால் அவர் அடிக்கடி வெளியே செல்வதை தவிர்த்து வருவதாகவும் மேலும் செய்திகள் தெரிவிக்கின்றன.
கருணாவிடம் இருந்து பெறப்பட்ட வாகனத்தை முக்கிய வி.ஜ.பி ஒருவரின் தேர்தல் பிரச்சாரங்களை கவனிக்கும் நபருக்கு கொடுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளதாக தெரிவிக்கப்படுகிறது. ஒட்டுமொத்தத்தில் இவர் வெளியே வரக்க்கூடாது என்பதே இலங்கை அரசின் நோக்கமாக
http://www.athirvu.com/
கப்பலிற்காக காக்க வைக்கப்பட்டு மோதலின்றி அழிக்கப்பட்ட போராட்டம் : பூநகரான் - கனடா
போராட்டம் தோற்கவில்லை - அழிக்கப்பட்டது” இது விழுந்தாலும் மீசையில் மண் படவில்லை என்ற பாணியிலான, தோல்வியை ஏற்காத மனப்பான்மையின் வெளிப்பாடல்ல. வழுக்கி விழுந்தால் என்ன? கால் தடம் போடப்பட்டு விழுந்தால் என்ன? தடையால் வீழ்த்தப்பட்டால் என்ன? மீண்டும் எழுந்திருக்க வேண்டும் என்ற முனைப்பை நினைவூட்ட எழுதப்படுகிறது.
இதன் பொருள் உடனடியாகச் சாத்தியமில்லாத ஆயுதப் போராட்டத்தை தொடங்குவது என்பதல்ல. சிங்களத் தலைமைகள் தமது தவறான, நியாயமற்ற செயற்பாடுகளிற்கு, ஜனநாயகம், தேர்தல் போன்றவற்றை பாவிக்கும் போது, தமிழராகிய நாம் நமது நியாயத்தை நிலை நிறுத்த அதே தேர்தல், ஜனநாயகம் போன்றவற்றைப் பாவிக்க முற்படவேண்டும் என்ற கருத்தை ஞாபகப்படுத்த எழுதப்படுவதாகும்.
மகிந்த தனக்கு ஆயுதத்தில் தான் நம்பிக்கை என்று கூறிக் கொண்டு வாக்களிப்பை பாவியாது விடவில்லை.
வீழ்ந்ததோ அல்லது வீழ்த்தப்பட்டதோ ஏதோ உண்மை தான். ஆனால் இன்னமும் எழுந்திருக்கவில்லை என்பதும், இயலுமான வாக்களிப்பு அரசியலைக் கூட உரிய முறையில் கையாள முயலவில்லை என்பதை சுட்டிக் காட்டுவதே இதன் நோக்கமாக உள்ளது.
பல்லாயிரக் கணக்கான போராளிகளின் தியாகங்களையும் வீர தீரங்களையும் யாரும் கொச்சைப்படுத்த இயலாது. ஆனால் அதே தரப்பில் வெளி நாடுகளில் நிதி சேகரிப்புத் துறையினரது மோசடிகளையும், அரசியல் துறையில் செயற்பட்டவர்கள் அவர்களை கப்பலிற்காக கடற்கரையில் காக்க வைத்து மோதலின்றி மொத்தமாக அழிபட வைத்துள்ளமையை யாரால் மன்னிக்க முடியும்?
இதுவே இறுதி நேரத்தில் போராளிகள் பலரும் தமது உறவினரிற்கு தெரிவித்த கருத்தாக இருக்கிறது. காட்டுக்குள் இருந்த நாங்கள் ஏன் தான் கடற்கரைக்கு போகும்படி கட்டளையிடப் பட்டோமோ தெரியாது என்றும் அவர்கள் அங்கலாய்த்திருப்பதாகவும் தெரிகிறது.
யாருமே எதிர்பாராத மிகப் பெரிய மோசடியும் ஏமாற்றும் அங்கே இறுதி நேரத்தில் அரங்கேற்றப்படடுள்ளது.
எனவே ஆயுதப் போராட்டமானது மற்றத் துறைகளின் சமாந்தர வளரச்சியும் பக்குவமும் இன்றி துரிதமாக வளர்ந்திருந்திருக்கிறது. குறிப்பாக புலிகளின் அரசியற் துறை வெளிநாடுகளில் மிகவும் பேதமைமிக்கதாக இருந்திருக்கிறது புலனாகிறது.
ஒரு இனத்தின் போராட்டத்தின் பெரும் பகுதியும் முக்கியமான அம்சமும் ஆயுதப் போராட்டந்தான். ஆனால் இன்றைய உலக ஒழுங்கில் அது மட்டுமே வழி என்பதல்ல. இப்போது சாத்தியமான மார்க்கங்களிலும் பயணிக்காது செயலற்று இருப்பதால் எதையும் பெற இயலாது. எழும்ப இயலாத அளவு அடி வீழந்திருப்பது புரிகிறது. அத்தோடு அதற்குள் இயல்பு நிலைக்கு திரும்ப முன்னரே சிங்களம் தேர்தற் போரைத் தொடங்கி விட்டது.
சுதந்திர இலங்கையில் அரச ஆயுதங்கள் தமிழர் உயிர்களையும் உடமைகளையுந் தான் அழித்தன. தேர்தல் மூலமான தெரிவுகளே உரிமை மறுப்புச் சட்டங்ளையும் அரசியலமைப்பு மோசடிகளையும் நிறைவேற்றி வந்திருக்கின்றன. எனவே அவற்றை எதிர்கொள்ள வேண்டிய தேவை தமிழராகிய நம் முன்னே உள்ளது.
இந்த நிலையில், பல்வேறு கட்சிகளாக கொள்கை அடிப்படையில் பிரிந்து விட்டாலும் , ஒரு தேர்தற் கூட்டணி அமைக்க இயலாது போனமை தான் வேதனைக்குரியது.
எங்கள் தலைமைகளால் மகிந்தவுடன் பேச முடிகிறது செம்மணிப் புதைகுழி சரத் பொன்சேகாவை இராஜதந்திர ரீதியில் தேர்தலில் ஆதரிக்க முடிகிறது. ஆனால் காங்கிரசாலும் தமிழரசாலும் பேசி ஒரு இணக்கப்பாட்டிற்கு வந்து ,தமிழர் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பை நிலை நிறுத்த இயலவில்லை. ஒரு தேர்தற் கூட்டணியை நமது கட்சிகளால் அமைக்க இயலவில்லை.
அதற்குக் காரணம் வெளிநாடுகளில் இருந்து எழுந்த அதே தமிழர்களின் அரசியல் ஞானமற்ற அழுத்தங்கள் தான் என்று உள்ளக வட்டாரங்கள் மனம் வருந்துகின்றன. தமிழரது போராட்டம் வெளிநாட்டுச் செயற்பாட்டாளர்களால் தான் மோசமான நிலைக்கு சென்றது என்றும் பல மட்டங்களிலும் பேசப்படுகிறது.
இந்த நேரத்தில் தாயக நிலத்தில் உள்ள தலைமைகளும் வெளிநாட்டில் உள்ள தலைமைகளும் வேண்டியளவு பொறுமையுடனும் விட்டுக் கொடுப்புடனும் நடக்கவில்லை என்று கருதப்படுகிறது.
கடந்த 2009ம் ஆண்டு ஏப்ரல் மாத ஆரம்பத்தில், விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் ஒரு டசினிற்கும் மேற்பட்ட மேன்நிலை தலைமைகள் ஒரே வீச்சில் அழிக்கப்பட்டமை உங்களிற்கு ஞாபகமிருக்கலாம்.
அன்று ஆனந்தபுரத்தில் தீபன், விதுஜா, கீர்த்தி , நாகேஷ் , குட்டி, கடாபி , அமுதன் , மணிவண்ணன் எனப் பலரும் வீழ்த்தப்பட்டது புலிகள் தரப்பின் மோசமான வீழச்சியாகும். இத்துடன் வழி நடாத்தும் ஆற்றலை புலிகள் பெருமளவு இழந்து விட்டிருந்தனர். இந்த பின்னடைவிற்கான காரணம் காட்டிக் கொடுப்பா அல்லது செய்மதி அவதானிப்பா என்று தெரியவில்லை.
பின்னர் கடற்கரைக்கு புலிப் படைகளைப் போகும்படி கட்டளை பிறப்பிக்கப்பட்டமை தெரியவருகின்றது. எல்லோரையும் ஏற்றிச் செல்ல ஒரு கப்பல் வரும் போன்ற ஒரு நிலையை நம்பி அவர்கள் அனைவரும் சென்றிருக்கிறார்கள். காட்டிற்குள் தோன்றி, காட்டிற்குள் வளர்ந்து, காட்டிற்குள்ளே பாதுகாப்பாக இருந்த புலிகளை பலிக்களமாகிய கடற்கரைக்கு கொண்டு வந்தது யார்? அதில் புலிகள் தரப்பை சரணடையத் தூண்டியவர்கள் யார்? அந்தத் தொலைபேசி உரையாடல்கள் பதிவு செய்யப்படவில்லையா? அப்படியாயின் அவை ஏன் வெளியிடப்படவில்லை?
சாட்சியற்ற இருண்ட போர் விவகாரங்கள் எதையும் தெரியாத நிலையில் தமிழர் தரப்பு உள்ளது. விசாரனைகளiயோ வெளிநாட்டு ஊடகங்களையோ, வெளிநாட்டுத் தொண்டர் நிறுவனங்களையோ இலங்கை அனுமதிப்பதாக இல்லை. அதற்கான அழுத்தங்களை செய்யவோ, செய்விக்கவோ எந்த முனைப்பும் வெளிநாடுகளிலும் இல்லை.
போராட்டம் தீவிற்குள்ளும் வெளியேயும் தேர்தற் களை கட்டியுள்ளது. அனைவரும் தேர்தற் கவனத்தில் உள்ளனர்.
அவலங்கள் தொடர்கின்றன. ஆனால் அவலங்கள் ஏதும் இல்லை என ரூபவாகினிப் பாணியில் தமிழ் வானொலி ஒன்று கனடாவில் அலறுகின்றது. சிங்களவர் வன்னியில் குடியேறினால் என்ன என்று இன்னொரு தமிழ் வானொலி கேலியாகக் கேட்கிறதாகவும் வதந்தி?
வர்த்தக மேலாதிக்கம் திட்டமிடப்பட்ட முறையில் முதல் கட்டமாக ஆரம்பித்துள்ளது. அந்தப் பொருளாதாரத்தைச் சுற்றி ஒரு குடியேற்றம் நிகழும். அது பாராம்பரிய மண் அபகரிப்பாக மாறும். இது முறிகண்டியில், கிளிநொச்சியில், பூநகரியில் எல்லாம் இடம் பெறுவதாக செய்திகள் வருகின்றன.
ஆனால் இங்கே கனடா, ரொறன்ரோவில் உள்ள இந்த ஊர்ச் சங்கங்களில் ஒன்று கலைவிழாச் செய்வதில் முனைப்புக் காட்டுகிறது. ஆனால் மறுபுறத்தில் கிளிநொச்சி மற்றும் பூநகரிப் பகுதிகள் இராணுவ மயமாக்கப்பட்டு சிங்கள மயமாக்கப்படுகின்றன என்ற செய்திகள் வெளியாகின்றன.
ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல் காலத்தில் முட்கம்பி வேலிகளைத் திறந்து விட்ட மகிந்த அரசு பாராளுமன்றத் தேர்தல் காலம் என்றும் பாராது பூநகரியில் பொலிஸ் நிலையம் ஒன்றைத் திறந்துள்ளது. இதற்கு பூநகரியின் கேந்திரமே காரணமாகும். இது பற்றி பிறிதொரு சந்தரப்பத்தில் விரிவாகப் பார்ப்போம்.
தாயகத்தில் மக்களோ, தமிழரது ஆயுதப் போராட்டம் தோற்று விட்டது. இனி எங்களால் எதையும் செய்ய முடியாது. நடப்பதைக் காண வேண்டியது தான் என்ற ஒரு விரக்தி நிலையில் உள்ள நிலையில் தேர்தல்கள். தோற்பது வேறு தோற்க அழிக்கப்படுவது வேறு. உலகில் உள்ள எந்தப் பலமான அரசும் தோற்கடிக்கப்படலாம் அல்லது அழிக்கப்படலாம். இது அந்த நாட்டை எத்தனை நாடுகள் எவ்வளவு காலமாக என்னென்ன வழிகளில் சுற்றி வளைக்கின்றன என்பதைப் பொறுத்தது.
எனவே இதைத் தமிழர் தரப்பின் முழுத் தவறென தப்புக் கணக்குப் போடாது, இது இந்திய, இலங்கை ஆகிய நாடுகள் சுற்றியுள்ள நாடுகளையும் சேர்த்துக் கொண்டு ஒரு சிறிய தீவினுள் இருந்த ஒரு போராட்ட அமைப்பை பாரிய நீண்ட நாள் திட்டத்தின் அடிப்படையில் நசுக்கி அழித்து விட்டார்கள் என்பது தான் உண்மை.
காலங் கடந்து எந்தப் பேரரசும் நிலைத்ததில்லை. அவை கூடத் தாமாகவே நலிந்து இருக்கையற்றுப் போயுள்ளன. இந்த நிலையில் தமிழீழ நிழலரசு அழிப்பை கண்டு தமிழர் துவள்வதில் அரத்தமில்லை.
நமது போராட்டம் கப்பல்களில் வரும் ஆயுதங்களை நம்பி வளர்ந்த கப்பல் போராடம் என்பதை உணர்ந்த இந்தியா 18 கப்பல்களைக் கவிழ்த்து போராட்டத்தையும் கவிழ்த்து விட்டது. இந்தியா தனி நாட்டுக் கோரிக்கை இலங்கைத் தீவில் எழுவதை விரும்பாத ஒன்று. இதற்குக் காரணம் பாக்கு நீரிணைக்கு இரு புறமும் தமிழ் பேசுபவர்கள் இருப்பது தான். தமிழகத்திழலோ அன்றில் தமிழ் ஈழத்திலோ தமிழர் இல்லாவிடின் இந்தியாவின் அணுகுமுறை பங்களாதேஷை ஒத்ததாக அமைந்திருக்கும்.
எனவே இலங்கைத் தீவில் பல்லின இனங்களும் கலந்து வாழும் கலப்பு, வன்னியில் மேற்கொள்ளப்படுவதை இந்தியாவும் விரும்பும்.
ஆகவே மகிந்தவின் ஆட்சிக் காலத்தில் குடியேற்றங்கள் எதுவித தடையுமின்றித் தொடரும் அபாயம் தவிர்க்க இயலாதது. ஆனந்தபுர அழிப்பைப் போலவே முல்லைத்தீவு, அலம்பலில் கடற்புலிகளும் செயலிழக்க வைக்கப்பட்டனர். இதைச் செய்த 57 பிரிவே கைப்பற்றலை வெற்றிகரமாக நடாத்தி முடித்த அணியாகும்.
புலிகளின் அழிக்க இயலாத பல படையணிகளில் எதுவும் மோதலில் ஈடுபடாத நிலையில் குறிப்பாக கடற்புலிகள் அணிகள் அலம்பலில் பின்னடிக்கப்பட்டு செயலிழக்க வைக்கப்பட்டமை அவதானிப்பிற்குரியது. இவற்றை நிட்சயம் வேண்டிய தகவலின்றியோ அன்றில் நீண்ட நாள் திட்டம் இன்றியோ செய்திருக்க இயலாது.
இவ்வாறான பாரிய தாக்கம் எதுவும் யாரையும் நிலை தடுமாற வைப்பது இயல்பே. ஆனால் அதிலிருந்து விரைந்து மீண்டு ஜனநாயக அரசியலையாவது ஒற்றுமையாகவும் , விவேகத்துடனும் நகர்த்த வேண்டியதே நமது இன்றைய கடமையாகும்.
கப்பல் ஓட்டிய தமிழர்கள் இறுதியில் கப்பலிற்காக காத்திருக்க வைக்கப்பட்டு மோசமாக அழிக்கப்பட்டமைக்கு புலிகளிற்கு நம்பிக்கையான ஒரு தரப்பும் காரணமாக இருந்திருக்க வேண்டும். அது எந்த நாடு ? எந்தக் கழகம்? எந்த முகமற்ற வில்லன்? போன்றவையே இன்று நம் முன் எழுந்து நிற்கும் கேள்விகளாகும்.
இதன் பொருள் உடனடியாகச் சாத்தியமில்லாத ஆயுதப் போராட்டத்தை தொடங்குவது என்பதல்ல. சிங்களத் தலைமைகள் தமது தவறான, நியாயமற்ற செயற்பாடுகளிற்கு, ஜனநாயகம், தேர்தல் போன்றவற்றை பாவிக்கும் போது, தமிழராகிய நாம் நமது நியாயத்தை நிலை நிறுத்த அதே தேர்தல், ஜனநாயகம் போன்றவற்றைப் பாவிக்க முற்படவேண்டும் என்ற கருத்தை ஞாபகப்படுத்த எழுதப்படுவதாகும்.
மகிந்த தனக்கு ஆயுதத்தில் தான் நம்பிக்கை என்று கூறிக் கொண்டு வாக்களிப்பை பாவியாது விடவில்லை.
வீழ்ந்ததோ அல்லது வீழ்த்தப்பட்டதோ ஏதோ உண்மை தான். ஆனால் இன்னமும் எழுந்திருக்கவில்லை என்பதும், இயலுமான வாக்களிப்பு அரசியலைக் கூட உரிய முறையில் கையாள முயலவில்லை என்பதை சுட்டிக் காட்டுவதே இதன் நோக்கமாக உள்ளது.
பல்லாயிரக் கணக்கான போராளிகளின் தியாகங்களையும் வீர தீரங்களையும் யாரும் கொச்சைப்படுத்த இயலாது. ஆனால் அதே தரப்பில் வெளி நாடுகளில் நிதி சேகரிப்புத் துறையினரது மோசடிகளையும், அரசியல் துறையில் செயற்பட்டவர்கள் அவர்களை கப்பலிற்காக கடற்கரையில் காக்க வைத்து மோதலின்றி மொத்தமாக அழிபட வைத்துள்ளமையை யாரால் மன்னிக்க முடியும்?
இதுவே இறுதி நேரத்தில் போராளிகள் பலரும் தமது உறவினரிற்கு தெரிவித்த கருத்தாக இருக்கிறது. காட்டுக்குள் இருந்த நாங்கள் ஏன் தான் கடற்கரைக்கு போகும்படி கட்டளையிடப் பட்டோமோ தெரியாது என்றும் அவர்கள் அங்கலாய்த்திருப்பதாகவும் தெரிகிறது.
யாருமே எதிர்பாராத மிகப் பெரிய மோசடியும் ஏமாற்றும் அங்கே இறுதி நேரத்தில் அரங்கேற்றப்படடுள்ளது.
எனவே ஆயுதப் போராட்டமானது மற்றத் துறைகளின் சமாந்தர வளரச்சியும் பக்குவமும் இன்றி துரிதமாக வளர்ந்திருந்திருக்கிறது. குறிப்பாக புலிகளின் அரசியற் துறை வெளிநாடுகளில் மிகவும் பேதமைமிக்கதாக இருந்திருக்கிறது புலனாகிறது.
ஒரு இனத்தின் போராட்டத்தின் பெரும் பகுதியும் முக்கியமான அம்சமும் ஆயுதப் போராட்டந்தான். ஆனால் இன்றைய உலக ஒழுங்கில் அது மட்டுமே வழி என்பதல்ல. இப்போது சாத்தியமான மார்க்கங்களிலும் பயணிக்காது செயலற்று இருப்பதால் எதையும் பெற இயலாது. எழும்ப இயலாத அளவு அடி வீழந்திருப்பது புரிகிறது. அத்தோடு அதற்குள் இயல்பு நிலைக்கு திரும்ப முன்னரே சிங்களம் தேர்தற் போரைத் தொடங்கி விட்டது.
சுதந்திர இலங்கையில் அரச ஆயுதங்கள் தமிழர் உயிர்களையும் உடமைகளையுந் தான் அழித்தன. தேர்தல் மூலமான தெரிவுகளே உரிமை மறுப்புச் சட்டங்ளையும் அரசியலமைப்பு மோசடிகளையும் நிறைவேற்றி வந்திருக்கின்றன. எனவே அவற்றை எதிர்கொள்ள வேண்டிய தேவை தமிழராகிய நம் முன்னே உள்ளது.
இந்த நிலையில், பல்வேறு கட்சிகளாக கொள்கை அடிப்படையில் பிரிந்து விட்டாலும் , ஒரு தேர்தற் கூட்டணி அமைக்க இயலாது போனமை தான் வேதனைக்குரியது.
எங்கள் தலைமைகளால் மகிந்தவுடன் பேச முடிகிறது செம்மணிப் புதைகுழி சரத் பொன்சேகாவை இராஜதந்திர ரீதியில் தேர்தலில் ஆதரிக்க முடிகிறது. ஆனால் காங்கிரசாலும் தமிழரசாலும் பேசி ஒரு இணக்கப்பாட்டிற்கு வந்து ,தமிழர் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பை நிலை நிறுத்த இயலவில்லை. ஒரு தேர்தற் கூட்டணியை நமது கட்சிகளால் அமைக்க இயலவில்லை.
அதற்குக் காரணம் வெளிநாடுகளில் இருந்து எழுந்த அதே தமிழர்களின் அரசியல் ஞானமற்ற அழுத்தங்கள் தான் என்று உள்ளக வட்டாரங்கள் மனம் வருந்துகின்றன. தமிழரது போராட்டம் வெளிநாட்டுச் செயற்பாட்டாளர்களால் தான் மோசமான நிலைக்கு சென்றது என்றும் பல மட்டங்களிலும் பேசப்படுகிறது.
இந்த நேரத்தில் தாயக நிலத்தில் உள்ள தலைமைகளும் வெளிநாட்டில் உள்ள தலைமைகளும் வேண்டியளவு பொறுமையுடனும் விட்டுக் கொடுப்புடனும் நடக்கவில்லை என்று கருதப்படுகிறது.
கடந்த 2009ம் ஆண்டு ஏப்ரல் மாத ஆரம்பத்தில், விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் ஒரு டசினிற்கும் மேற்பட்ட மேன்நிலை தலைமைகள் ஒரே வீச்சில் அழிக்கப்பட்டமை உங்களிற்கு ஞாபகமிருக்கலாம்.
அன்று ஆனந்தபுரத்தில் தீபன், விதுஜா, கீர்த்தி , நாகேஷ் , குட்டி, கடாபி , அமுதன் , மணிவண்ணன் எனப் பலரும் வீழ்த்தப்பட்டது புலிகள் தரப்பின் மோசமான வீழச்சியாகும். இத்துடன் வழி நடாத்தும் ஆற்றலை புலிகள் பெருமளவு இழந்து விட்டிருந்தனர். இந்த பின்னடைவிற்கான காரணம் காட்டிக் கொடுப்பா அல்லது செய்மதி அவதானிப்பா என்று தெரியவில்லை.
பின்னர் கடற்கரைக்கு புலிப் படைகளைப் போகும்படி கட்டளை பிறப்பிக்கப்பட்டமை தெரியவருகின்றது. எல்லோரையும் ஏற்றிச் செல்ல ஒரு கப்பல் வரும் போன்ற ஒரு நிலையை நம்பி அவர்கள் அனைவரும் சென்றிருக்கிறார்கள். காட்டிற்குள் தோன்றி, காட்டிற்குள் வளர்ந்து, காட்டிற்குள்ளே பாதுகாப்பாக இருந்த புலிகளை பலிக்களமாகிய கடற்கரைக்கு கொண்டு வந்தது யார்? அதில் புலிகள் தரப்பை சரணடையத் தூண்டியவர்கள் யார்? அந்தத் தொலைபேசி உரையாடல்கள் பதிவு செய்யப்படவில்லையா? அப்படியாயின் அவை ஏன் வெளியிடப்படவில்லை?
சாட்சியற்ற இருண்ட போர் விவகாரங்கள் எதையும் தெரியாத நிலையில் தமிழர் தரப்பு உள்ளது. விசாரனைகளiயோ வெளிநாட்டு ஊடகங்களையோ, வெளிநாட்டுத் தொண்டர் நிறுவனங்களையோ இலங்கை அனுமதிப்பதாக இல்லை. அதற்கான அழுத்தங்களை செய்யவோ, செய்விக்கவோ எந்த முனைப்பும் வெளிநாடுகளிலும் இல்லை.
போராட்டம் தீவிற்குள்ளும் வெளியேயும் தேர்தற் களை கட்டியுள்ளது. அனைவரும் தேர்தற் கவனத்தில் உள்ளனர்.
அவலங்கள் தொடர்கின்றன. ஆனால் அவலங்கள் ஏதும் இல்லை என ரூபவாகினிப் பாணியில் தமிழ் வானொலி ஒன்று கனடாவில் அலறுகின்றது. சிங்களவர் வன்னியில் குடியேறினால் என்ன என்று இன்னொரு தமிழ் வானொலி கேலியாகக் கேட்கிறதாகவும் வதந்தி?
வர்த்தக மேலாதிக்கம் திட்டமிடப்பட்ட முறையில் முதல் கட்டமாக ஆரம்பித்துள்ளது. அந்தப் பொருளாதாரத்தைச் சுற்றி ஒரு குடியேற்றம் நிகழும். அது பாராம்பரிய மண் அபகரிப்பாக மாறும். இது முறிகண்டியில், கிளிநொச்சியில், பூநகரியில் எல்லாம் இடம் பெறுவதாக செய்திகள் வருகின்றன.
ஆனால் இங்கே கனடா, ரொறன்ரோவில் உள்ள இந்த ஊர்ச் சங்கங்களில் ஒன்று கலைவிழாச் செய்வதில் முனைப்புக் காட்டுகிறது. ஆனால் மறுபுறத்தில் கிளிநொச்சி மற்றும் பூநகரிப் பகுதிகள் இராணுவ மயமாக்கப்பட்டு சிங்கள மயமாக்கப்படுகின்றன என்ற செய்திகள் வெளியாகின்றன.
ஜனாதிபதி தேர்தல் காலத்தில் முட்கம்பி வேலிகளைத் திறந்து விட்ட மகிந்த அரசு பாராளுமன்றத் தேர்தல் காலம் என்றும் பாராது பூநகரியில் பொலிஸ் நிலையம் ஒன்றைத் திறந்துள்ளது. இதற்கு பூநகரியின் கேந்திரமே காரணமாகும். இது பற்றி பிறிதொரு சந்தரப்பத்தில் விரிவாகப் பார்ப்போம்.
தாயகத்தில் மக்களோ, தமிழரது ஆயுதப் போராட்டம் தோற்று விட்டது. இனி எங்களால் எதையும் செய்ய முடியாது. நடப்பதைக் காண வேண்டியது தான் என்ற ஒரு விரக்தி நிலையில் உள்ள நிலையில் தேர்தல்கள். தோற்பது வேறு தோற்க அழிக்கப்படுவது வேறு. உலகில் உள்ள எந்தப் பலமான அரசும் தோற்கடிக்கப்படலாம் அல்லது அழிக்கப்படலாம். இது அந்த நாட்டை எத்தனை நாடுகள் எவ்வளவு காலமாக என்னென்ன வழிகளில் சுற்றி வளைக்கின்றன என்பதைப் பொறுத்தது.
எனவே இதைத் தமிழர் தரப்பின் முழுத் தவறென தப்புக் கணக்குப் போடாது, இது இந்திய, இலங்கை ஆகிய நாடுகள் சுற்றியுள்ள நாடுகளையும் சேர்த்துக் கொண்டு ஒரு சிறிய தீவினுள் இருந்த ஒரு போராட்ட அமைப்பை பாரிய நீண்ட நாள் திட்டத்தின் அடிப்படையில் நசுக்கி அழித்து விட்டார்கள் என்பது தான் உண்மை.
காலங் கடந்து எந்தப் பேரரசும் நிலைத்ததில்லை. அவை கூடத் தாமாகவே நலிந்து இருக்கையற்றுப் போயுள்ளன. இந்த நிலையில் தமிழீழ நிழலரசு அழிப்பை கண்டு தமிழர் துவள்வதில் அரத்தமில்லை.
நமது போராட்டம் கப்பல்களில் வரும் ஆயுதங்களை நம்பி வளர்ந்த கப்பல் போராடம் என்பதை உணர்ந்த இந்தியா 18 கப்பல்களைக் கவிழ்த்து போராட்டத்தையும் கவிழ்த்து விட்டது. இந்தியா தனி நாட்டுக் கோரிக்கை இலங்கைத் தீவில் எழுவதை விரும்பாத ஒன்று. இதற்குக் காரணம் பாக்கு நீரிணைக்கு இரு புறமும் தமிழ் பேசுபவர்கள் இருப்பது தான். தமிழகத்திழலோ அன்றில் தமிழ் ஈழத்திலோ தமிழர் இல்லாவிடின் இந்தியாவின் அணுகுமுறை பங்களாதேஷை ஒத்ததாக அமைந்திருக்கும்.
எனவே இலங்கைத் தீவில் பல்லின இனங்களும் கலந்து வாழும் கலப்பு, வன்னியில் மேற்கொள்ளப்படுவதை இந்தியாவும் விரும்பும்.
ஆகவே மகிந்தவின் ஆட்சிக் காலத்தில் குடியேற்றங்கள் எதுவித தடையுமின்றித் தொடரும் அபாயம் தவிர்க்க இயலாதது. ஆனந்தபுர அழிப்பைப் போலவே முல்லைத்தீவு, அலம்பலில் கடற்புலிகளும் செயலிழக்க வைக்கப்பட்டனர். இதைச் செய்த 57 பிரிவே கைப்பற்றலை வெற்றிகரமாக நடாத்தி முடித்த அணியாகும்.
புலிகளின் அழிக்க இயலாத பல படையணிகளில் எதுவும் மோதலில் ஈடுபடாத நிலையில் குறிப்பாக கடற்புலிகள் அணிகள் அலம்பலில் பின்னடிக்கப்பட்டு செயலிழக்க வைக்கப்பட்டமை அவதானிப்பிற்குரியது. இவற்றை நிட்சயம் வேண்டிய தகவலின்றியோ அன்றில் நீண்ட நாள் திட்டம் இன்றியோ செய்திருக்க இயலாது.
இவ்வாறான பாரிய தாக்கம் எதுவும் யாரையும் நிலை தடுமாற வைப்பது இயல்பே. ஆனால் அதிலிருந்து விரைந்து மீண்டு ஜனநாயக அரசியலையாவது ஒற்றுமையாகவும் , விவேகத்துடனும் நகர்த்த வேண்டியதே நமது இன்றைய கடமையாகும்.
கப்பல் ஓட்டிய தமிழர்கள் இறுதியில் கப்பலிற்காக காத்திருக்க வைக்கப்பட்டு மோசமாக அழிக்கப்பட்டமைக்கு புலிகளிற்கு நம்பிக்கையான ஒரு தரப்பும் காரணமாக இருந்திருக்க வேண்டும். அது எந்த நாடு ? எந்தக் கழகம்? எந்த முகமற்ற வில்லன்? போன்றவையே இன்று நம் முன் எழுந்து நிற்கும் கேள்விகளாகும்.
Monday, March 22, 2010
Kuruvi is alive .. News in Junior Vikatan
Kuruvi is alive!
"Pottu Amman is alive and Intelligence unit under his guidance has started its operation in full swing” says Interpol.
Srilankan government that has showed a dead body as Prabhakaran in May 2009 has still not shown appropriate proof for Pottu Amman's death. This gives lot of hopes to Tamil Diaspora that Pottu Amman is indeed alive though there is doubt in minds of people whether Prabhakaran is alive or not .
Instead of becoming cautious , Srilankan Government has issued a refusal statement saying that Pottu Amman and his wife committed suicide during the last days of Eelam war and since they blew themselves , their body has not been found at all till this day.
On further interrogating, we came to know that Investigative department of Srilanka was on search for Pottu Amman even after the end of the war. It seems that they caught an ex LTTE Cadre, Prabha who had declared them that Pottu was operating with Code name “Kuruvi". The intelligence unit of SLA had then searched for Kuruvi and even traced to have taken shelter in Velvethai Area. When the intelligence finally made to that place, Kuruvi had already escaped.
It looks like that evidence provided by Srilankan Government to India on the death of Prabhakaran and Pottu Amman was not accepted by Interpol as valid evidence and hence Interpol has now started searching for Pottu Amman.
KP was arrested by Srilankan Intelligence some months before and this some people say was an enacted drama. As per them there was some internal RIFT between different factions of LTTE especially after KP announcing himself as the new LTTE Chief. It is said that when the rift widened, Pottu came out of hiding and it seems have sent some important instructions after which KP was arrested.
The news of Pottu Amman interacting with remaining Cadres has somehow reached Interpol which has now put Pottu Amman's Name on the search list. Srilankan Government is now worried on the same to such a extent that one of the Defense personnel has given a statement to media persons that some people close to LTTE are still searching for their Leader and Deputy Leader.
It also looks like, an imminent political Leader from TN had received secret message which states that “We are fine and we are almost ready to come out and carry on the armed struggle”. It seems that five other important EELAM loyalist in TN have received this message.
Srilankan Government announcement of suicidal death of Pottu Amman and his wife after around 6-7 months post war itself has raised doubts about the authenticity of the news. Some Eelamist say that eelam supporters have organised for a secret meeting in France and Pottu Amman is likely to make short appearance on the same"
When we asked them whether Pottu Amman would not take charge of LTTE or not, they replied us with a smile that “There is no need for the same"
"Pottu Amman is alive and Intelligence unit under his guidance has started its operation in full swing” says Interpol.
Srilankan government that has showed a dead body as Prabhakaran in May 2009 has still not shown appropriate proof for Pottu Amman's death. This gives lot of hopes to Tamil Diaspora that Pottu Amman is indeed alive though there is doubt in minds of people whether Prabhakaran is alive or not .
Instead of becoming cautious , Srilankan Government has issued a refusal statement saying that Pottu Amman and his wife committed suicide during the last days of Eelam war and since they blew themselves , their body has not been found at all till this day.
On further interrogating, we came to know that Investigative department of Srilanka was on search for Pottu Amman even after the end of the war. It seems that they caught an ex LTTE Cadre, Prabha who had declared them that Pottu was operating with Code name “Kuruvi". The intelligence unit of SLA had then searched for Kuruvi and even traced to have taken shelter in Velvethai Area. When the intelligence finally made to that place, Kuruvi had already escaped.
It looks like that evidence provided by Srilankan Government to India on the death of Prabhakaran and Pottu Amman was not accepted by Interpol as valid evidence and hence Interpol has now started searching for Pottu Amman.
KP was arrested by Srilankan Intelligence some months before and this some people say was an enacted drama. As per them there was some internal RIFT between different factions of LTTE especially after KP announcing himself as the new LTTE Chief. It is said that when the rift widened, Pottu came out of hiding and it seems have sent some important instructions after which KP was arrested.
The news of Pottu Amman interacting with remaining Cadres has somehow reached Interpol which has now put Pottu Amman's Name on the search list. Srilankan Government is now worried on the same to such a extent that one of the Defense personnel has given a statement to media persons that some people close to LTTE are still searching for their Leader and Deputy Leader.
It also looks like, an imminent political Leader from TN had received secret message which states that “We are fine and we are almost ready to come out and carry on the armed struggle”. It seems that five other important EELAM loyalist in TN have received this message.
Srilankan Government announcement of suicidal death of Pottu Amman and his wife after around 6-7 months post war itself has raised doubts about the authenticity of the news. Some Eelamist say that eelam supporters have organised for a secret meeting in France and Pottu Amman is likely to make short appearance on the same"
When we asked them whether Pottu Amman would not take charge of LTTE or not, they replied us with a smile that “There is no need for the same"
உயிருடன் குருவி--விகடன்
விடுதலைப்புலிகளின் உளவுப்பிரிவுத் தலைவர் பொட்டு அம்மான் உயிருடன் இருப்பதாகவும்;அது எவ்வாறு உறிதிசெய்யப்பட்டதென்றும் கற்பனையாகவோ அல்லது பகுதியளவில் உண்மையாகவோ இருக்கக்கூடிய ஒரு கட்டுரையை விகடன் வெளியிட்டுள்ளது அது
பின்வருமாறு;
''பொட்டு அம்மான் உயிருடன் இருக் கிறார். விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் உளவுத்துறை மறுபடியும் இயங்கத் தொடங்கி இருக்கிறது!'' - இப்படி அறிவித்திருப்பது ஈழ ஆர்வலர்கள் யாருமல்ல... இண்டர்போல் போலீஸ்!
விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் தேசியத் தலைவர் பிரபாகரன் கொல்லப்பட்டதாகச் சொல்லி, நந்திக்கடலில் பிரேதத்தைக் காட்டிய இலங்கை அரசு, பொட்டு அம்மான் குறித்த எந்தத் தகவலையும் உறுதிப்படுத்தவில்லை. அதனால், பிரபாகரன் விஷயத்தில் சந்தேகப்பட்ட ஈழ ஆதரவாளர்கள்கூட பொட்டு அம்மான் உயிரோடு இருப்பதாக உறுதியாக நம்பினார்கள். இதற் கிடையில்,
''பெயர்: பொட்டு அம்மான் என்கிற சிவசங்கரன், பிறந்த வருடம்: 1962, பிறந்த இடம்: ஆரியவாலை, சாவகச்சேரி, இலங்கை... தெரிந்த மொழிகள்: தமிழ், ஆங்கிலம், சிங்களம்... கைது வாரன்ட்: சென்னை, இந்தியா...'' என தேடப்படும் குற்றவாளியாக அவரை இண்டர்போல் இணையதளம் சில தினங்களுக்கு முன்னால் திடீர் செய்தி வெளியிட... ஈழ ஆர்வலர்கள் பரபரத்து எழுந்திருக்கிறார்கள்.
இண்டர்போல் வெளியிட்ட எச்சரிக்கை அறிவிப்பைப் பார்த்து உஷாராக வேண்டிய இலங்கை அரசோ, ''கடந்த மே மாதம் நடந்த ஈழப் போரின் கடைசி நாளில் பொட்டு அம்மானும் அவர் மனைவியும் உடலில் வெடிகுண்டு களைக் கட்டி வெடிக்கச் செய்து தற்கொலை செய்து கொண்டார்கள். அதனால், அவரது இறப்பு குறித்த ஆதாரங்களை எங்களால் சமர்ப்பிக்க முடி யாமல் போய்விட்டது. பொட்டு உயிரோடு இருக்க வாய்ப்பே இல்லை!'' என அவசர அறிக்கை வெளியிட்டிருக்கிறது.
பொட்டு விவகாரம் திடீரென கிளம்பிய பின்னணி குறித்து விசாரித்தோம். ''ஈழப்போர் நடந்த காலம் தொட்டு இன்றுவரை இலங்கையின் புலனாய்வுப் பிரிவுக்குப் பெரிய தலைவலியாக இருப்பது பொட்டு அம்மான்தான். கடைசிக்கட்டப் போரின் போது அவருக்கு 'குருவி' என ரகசியப் பெயர் சூட்டப்பட்டது. இப்போதும்கூட, ரகசிய முகாம்களில் தங்க வைக்கப்பட்டிருக்கும் புலிகளிடம் சிங்கள ராணுவமும் புலனாய்வுத் துறையும் அவரைப்பற்றி தொடர்ந்து விசாரித்து வருகின்றன. சில நாட்களுக்கு முன் ராணுவத்திடம் பிரபா என்ற போராளி சிக்கினார். அவரைத் துருவி எடுத்தபோது, பொட்டு அம்மான் வெளிநாட்டுக்கு தப்ப முயன்று கொண்டிருப்பதாகத் தெரிய வந்தது. அவர் கொடுத்த தகவலின் அடிப்படையில், கொழும்பில் தமிழர்கள் அதிகம் வசிக்கும் வெள்ளவத்தை பகுதிக்குச் சென்று அங்கு இருந்த ஆறு மாடிக் கட்டடம் ஒன்றை ராணுவத் தரப்பு சல்லடையாகத் துழாவியது. அதிகாரிகள் அந்த இடத்துக்கு செல்வதற்கு சில நிமிடங்களுக்கு முன்பு, சந்தேகத்துக்கிடமான சிலர் அங்கிருந்து தப்பிச் சென்று இருக்கிறார்கள். அவர்களில் ஒருவரது பெயர் 'குருவி'! இந்த விஷயத்தை மீடியாக்களுக்குத் தெரியாமல் இலங்கையின் உளவுப் பிரிவு மறைத்தாலும், சர்வதேச உளவு அமைப்புகளுக்கு 'குருவி' என்ற பெயரில் தப்பியது பொட்டு அம்மான் என்பது புரிந்துவிட்டது.
பிரபாகரன், பொட்டு அம்மான் இறந்து விட்டதாக இலங்கை அரசு இந்தியாவுக்கு கொடுத்த ஆவணங்கள் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளும்படியாக இல்லை என்பதை இண்டர்போல் போலீஸ் ஏற்கெனவே புரிந்துகொண்டு விட்டது. இதனால்தான், ராஜீவ் கொலை வழக்கை முடிக்க முடியாமல் சி.பி.ஐ. திணறி வருகிறது. இதற்கிடையில், பொட்டு அம்மானின் சர்வதேச தொடர்புகளை யூகித்த இண்டர்போல், அவரை மீண்டும் தேடப்படும் குற்றவாளியாக அறிவித்திருக்கிறது!'' எனச் சொன்ன கொழும்பு விவரப்புள்ளிகள், இன்னொரு பகீர் தகவலையும் நம்மிடம் பகிர்ந்து கொண்டார்கள்.
''புலிகளின் ஆயுதக் கொள்முதல் செய்த கே.பி. சில மாதங்களுக்கு முன்பு சிங்கள ராணுவத்திடம் சிக்கினார். ஆனால்... அதுவே பெரிய நாடகமோ என்று இப்போது எண்ணத் தோன்றுகிறது! புலிகளின் நாடு கடந்த நெட்வொர்க்குக்கு கே.பி-யின் பெயர் வெளியளவில் பயன்படுத்தப்பட்டிருக்கிறது. ஆனால், அந்தப் பெயரில் ஒளிந்திருந்த வேறு சிலர் புலிகளின் இக்கட்டுகளைக் களைய கடைசி நேரத்தில் போராடிப் பார்த்திருக்கிறார்கள். போரில் புலிகள் அடியோடு தோற்றபோது, புலிகளின் சர்வதேச ஆட்களுக்கும் கே.பி-க்கும் இடையே கடுமையான மோதல்கள் நடந்திருக்கின்றன. சர்வதேச நிதியகங்களில் இருக்கும் புலிகளின் சேமிப்புக்கு உரிமை கோருவதிலும் சிக்கல் வெடித்து இருக்கிறது. மெக்ஸிகோவில் உள்ள மூன்று வங்கிகளுக்கு புலிகளின் சேமிப்பை மாற்றவும் முயற்சி நடந்துள்ளது. அப்போதுதான், பொட்டு அம்மான் வெளியே இருக்கும் சிலருடன் தொடர்புகொண்டு பேச வேண்டிய கட்டாயத்துக்கு ஆளாகி இருக்கிறார்.
இதெல்லாமே மெதுவாக இண்டர்போல் காதுக்கு வந்து சேர்ந்தது. பொட்டு உயிரோடு இருப்பதுபோல் இண்டர்போல் இப்போது அறிவித்துவிட்டதால், இலங்கை அரசுக்கு கடும் கலக்கம். புலிகளின் அத்தனை தளபதிகளும் அடியோடு வீழ்த்தப்பட்டார்கள் என சிங்கள அரசு தொடர்ந்து அறிவித்ததற்கு காரணமே, சர்வதேசத் தமிழர்கள் மீண்டும் புலிகளுக்கு நிதி கொடுக்க முன்வரக் கூடாது என்பதற்காகத்தான். மேலும், ராஜீவ் கொலை வழக்கில் இரண்டாவது குற்றவாளியான பொட்டு அம்மானின் மரணச் சான்றிதழை சி.பி.ஐ-யும் ஏற்க மறுப்பதால், சிங்கள அரசுக்கு தொடர்ந்து சிக்கல் நீடிக்கிறது. சமீபத்தில், இலங்கைக்குச் சென்ற பெண் பத்திரிகையாளரிடம், 'சர்வதேச அளவில் புலிகளுக்கு நெருக்கமானவர்கள் இப்போதும் பிரபாகரனையும் அவருடைய தளபதிகளையும் தேடிக்கொண்டு இருக்கிறார்கள்!' என இலங்கையின் பாதுகாப்பு அதிகாரி ஒருவரே பகிரங்கமாக அறிவித்ததையும் கவனிக்கவேண்டும்'' என்றார்கள்.
இதற்கிடையில், தமிழக அரசியல் கட்சித் தலைவர் ஒருவருக்கு மிக முக்கிய இடத்தில் இருந்து ரகசியக் கடிதம் ஒன்று வந்திருப்பதாகவும்... அதில், ''நாங்கள் மிகப் பத்திரமாக இருக்கிறோம். விரைவிலேயே வெளியுலகுக்கு வரத் தயாராகிவிட்டோம். பழையபடி மிகுந்த வலிமையோடு போரிட நாங்கள் தயாராகி வருகிறோம்'' என சுருக்கமாக எழுதப்பட்டிருப்பதாகவும் கூறப்படுகிறது. தமிழகத்தில் இருக்கும் முக்கியமான ஐந்து பேருக்கு இதே கடிதம் வந்திருப்பதாகவும் சொல்லப்படுகிறது.
''போரின் கடைசி நாள் பொட்டு அம்மான் தற்கொலை செய்து கொண்டதாக இத்தனை மாதங்கள் கழித்து இலங்கை அரசு வலிந்து அறிவிக்க வேண்டிய அவசியமென்ன? இண்டர்போல் அறிக்கை வெளியான பிறகுதான் தற்கொலை தகவல் அவர்களுக்குக் கிடைத்ததா? பிரான்ஸில் ஈழத்தமிழர்கள் ஏற்பாடு செய்யப் போகும் ரகசியக் கூட்டத்துக்கு பொட்டு அம்மான் நேரிலேயே வருவதாகச் சொல்லி இருக்கிறாராம். இண்டர்போல் கண்காணிப்பு தீவிரமாக இருப்பதால்தான் அந்தக் கூட்டம் தள்ளிக்கொண்டே போகிறது. ஒரே ஒரு நிமிடமாவது அவர் வெளிச்சத்துக்கு வந்து போவார்'' என்று ஈழத் தமிழ் உணர்வாளர்கள் சிலர் அடித்துச் சொல்ல ஆரம்பித்திருக்கிறார்கள்.
''புலிகளின் அமைப்புக்கு பொட்டு அம்மான் புதிய தலைவராக பொறுப்பேற்பாரா?'' என்று இவர்களிடம் கேட்டால்... ''எங்களுக்கு வந்த மற்றொரு மிக இனிப்பான தகவல்படி சொல்வதானால்... இயக்கத்துக்கு புதிய தலைமை வரவேண்டிய அவசியமில்லை!'' என்று மட்டும் சிரித்தபடியே சொல்கிறார்கள்.-
- இரா.சரவணன்
பின்வருமாறு;
''பொட்டு அம்மான் உயிருடன் இருக் கிறார். விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் உளவுத்துறை மறுபடியும் இயங்கத் தொடங்கி இருக்கிறது!'' - இப்படி அறிவித்திருப்பது ஈழ ஆர்வலர்கள் யாருமல்ல... இண்டர்போல் போலீஸ்!
விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் தேசியத் தலைவர் பிரபாகரன் கொல்லப்பட்டதாகச் சொல்லி, நந்திக்கடலில் பிரேதத்தைக் காட்டிய இலங்கை அரசு, பொட்டு அம்மான் குறித்த எந்தத் தகவலையும் உறுதிப்படுத்தவில்லை. அதனால், பிரபாகரன் விஷயத்தில் சந்தேகப்பட்ட ஈழ ஆதரவாளர்கள்கூட பொட்டு அம்மான் உயிரோடு இருப்பதாக உறுதியாக நம்பினார்கள். இதற் கிடையில்,
''பெயர்: பொட்டு அம்மான் என்கிற சிவசங்கரன், பிறந்த வருடம்: 1962, பிறந்த இடம்: ஆரியவாலை, சாவகச்சேரி, இலங்கை... தெரிந்த மொழிகள்: தமிழ், ஆங்கிலம், சிங்களம்... கைது வாரன்ட்: சென்னை, இந்தியா...'' என தேடப்படும் குற்றவாளியாக அவரை இண்டர்போல் இணையதளம் சில தினங்களுக்கு முன்னால் திடீர் செய்தி வெளியிட... ஈழ ஆர்வலர்கள் பரபரத்து எழுந்திருக்கிறார்கள்.
இண்டர்போல் வெளியிட்ட எச்சரிக்கை அறிவிப்பைப் பார்த்து உஷாராக வேண்டிய இலங்கை அரசோ, ''கடந்த மே மாதம் நடந்த ஈழப் போரின் கடைசி நாளில் பொட்டு அம்மானும் அவர் மனைவியும் உடலில் வெடிகுண்டு களைக் கட்டி வெடிக்கச் செய்து தற்கொலை செய்து கொண்டார்கள். அதனால், அவரது இறப்பு குறித்த ஆதாரங்களை எங்களால் சமர்ப்பிக்க முடி யாமல் போய்விட்டது. பொட்டு உயிரோடு இருக்க வாய்ப்பே இல்லை!'' என அவசர அறிக்கை வெளியிட்டிருக்கிறது.
பொட்டு விவகாரம் திடீரென கிளம்பிய பின்னணி குறித்து விசாரித்தோம். ''ஈழப்போர் நடந்த காலம் தொட்டு இன்றுவரை இலங்கையின் புலனாய்வுப் பிரிவுக்குப் பெரிய தலைவலியாக இருப்பது பொட்டு அம்மான்தான். கடைசிக்கட்டப் போரின் போது அவருக்கு 'குருவி' என ரகசியப் பெயர் சூட்டப்பட்டது. இப்போதும்கூட, ரகசிய முகாம்களில் தங்க வைக்கப்பட்டிருக்கும் புலிகளிடம் சிங்கள ராணுவமும் புலனாய்வுத் துறையும் அவரைப்பற்றி தொடர்ந்து விசாரித்து வருகின்றன. சில நாட்களுக்கு முன் ராணுவத்திடம் பிரபா என்ற போராளி சிக்கினார். அவரைத் துருவி எடுத்தபோது, பொட்டு அம்மான் வெளிநாட்டுக்கு தப்ப முயன்று கொண்டிருப்பதாகத் தெரிய வந்தது. அவர் கொடுத்த தகவலின் அடிப்படையில், கொழும்பில் தமிழர்கள் அதிகம் வசிக்கும் வெள்ளவத்தை பகுதிக்குச் சென்று அங்கு இருந்த ஆறு மாடிக் கட்டடம் ஒன்றை ராணுவத் தரப்பு சல்லடையாகத் துழாவியது. அதிகாரிகள் அந்த இடத்துக்கு செல்வதற்கு சில நிமிடங்களுக்கு முன்பு, சந்தேகத்துக்கிடமான சிலர் அங்கிருந்து தப்பிச் சென்று இருக்கிறார்கள். அவர்களில் ஒருவரது பெயர் 'குருவி'! இந்த விஷயத்தை மீடியாக்களுக்குத் தெரியாமல் இலங்கையின் உளவுப் பிரிவு மறைத்தாலும், சர்வதேச உளவு அமைப்புகளுக்கு 'குருவி' என்ற பெயரில் தப்பியது பொட்டு அம்மான் என்பது புரிந்துவிட்டது.
பிரபாகரன், பொட்டு அம்மான் இறந்து விட்டதாக இலங்கை அரசு இந்தியாவுக்கு கொடுத்த ஆவணங்கள் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளும்படியாக இல்லை என்பதை இண்டர்போல் போலீஸ் ஏற்கெனவே புரிந்துகொண்டு விட்டது. இதனால்தான், ராஜீவ் கொலை வழக்கை முடிக்க முடியாமல் சி.பி.ஐ. திணறி வருகிறது. இதற்கிடையில், பொட்டு அம்மானின் சர்வதேச தொடர்புகளை யூகித்த இண்டர்போல், அவரை மீண்டும் தேடப்படும் குற்றவாளியாக அறிவித்திருக்கிறது!'' எனச் சொன்ன கொழும்பு விவரப்புள்ளிகள், இன்னொரு பகீர் தகவலையும் நம்மிடம் பகிர்ந்து கொண்டார்கள்.
''புலிகளின் ஆயுதக் கொள்முதல் செய்த கே.பி. சில மாதங்களுக்கு முன்பு சிங்கள ராணுவத்திடம் சிக்கினார். ஆனால்... அதுவே பெரிய நாடகமோ என்று இப்போது எண்ணத் தோன்றுகிறது! புலிகளின் நாடு கடந்த நெட்வொர்க்குக்கு கே.பி-யின் பெயர் வெளியளவில் பயன்படுத்தப்பட்டிருக்கிறது. ஆனால், அந்தப் பெயரில் ஒளிந்திருந்த வேறு சிலர் புலிகளின் இக்கட்டுகளைக் களைய கடைசி நேரத்தில் போராடிப் பார்த்திருக்கிறார்கள். போரில் புலிகள் அடியோடு தோற்றபோது, புலிகளின் சர்வதேச ஆட்களுக்கும் கே.பி-க்கும் இடையே கடுமையான மோதல்கள் நடந்திருக்கின்றன. சர்வதேச நிதியகங்களில் இருக்கும் புலிகளின் சேமிப்புக்கு உரிமை கோருவதிலும் சிக்கல் வெடித்து இருக்கிறது. மெக்ஸிகோவில் உள்ள மூன்று வங்கிகளுக்கு புலிகளின் சேமிப்பை மாற்றவும் முயற்சி நடந்துள்ளது. அப்போதுதான், பொட்டு அம்மான் வெளியே இருக்கும் சிலருடன் தொடர்புகொண்டு பேச வேண்டிய கட்டாயத்துக்கு ஆளாகி இருக்கிறார்.
இதெல்லாமே மெதுவாக இண்டர்போல் காதுக்கு வந்து சேர்ந்தது. பொட்டு உயிரோடு இருப்பதுபோல் இண்டர்போல் இப்போது அறிவித்துவிட்டதால், இலங்கை அரசுக்கு கடும் கலக்கம். புலிகளின் அத்தனை தளபதிகளும் அடியோடு வீழ்த்தப்பட்டார்கள் என சிங்கள அரசு தொடர்ந்து அறிவித்ததற்கு காரணமே, சர்வதேசத் தமிழர்கள் மீண்டும் புலிகளுக்கு நிதி கொடுக்க முன்வரக் கூடாது என்பதற்காகத்தான். மேலும், ராஜீவ் கொலை வழக்கில் இரண்டாவது குற்றவாளியான பொட்டு அம்மானின் மரணச் சான்றிதழை சி.பி.ஐ-யும் ஏற்க மறுப்பதால், சிங்கள அரசுக்கு தொடர்ந்து சிக்கல் நீடிக்கிறது. சமீபத்தில், இலங்கைக்குச் சென்ற பெண் பத்திரிகையாளரிடம், 'சர்வதேச அளவில் புலிகளுக்கு நெருக்கமானவர்கள் இப்போதும் பிரபாகரனையும் அவருடைய தளபதிகளையும் தேடிக்கொண்டு இருக்கிறார்கள்!' என இலங்கையின் பாதுகாப்பு அதிகாரி ஒருவரே பகிரங்கமாக அறிவித்ததையும் கவனிக்கவேண்டும்'' என்றார்கள்.
இதற்கிடையில், தமிழக அரசியல் கட்சித் தலைவர் ஒருவருக்கு மிக முக்கிய இடத்தில் இருந்து ரகசியக் கடிதம் ஒன்று வந்திருப்பதாகவும்... அதில், ''நாங்கள் மிகப் பத்திரமாக இருக்கிறோம். விரைவிலேயே வெளியுலகுக்கு வரத் தயாராகிவிட்டோம். பழையபடி மிகுந்த வலிமையோடு போரிட நாங்கள் தயாராகி வருகிறோம்'' என சுருக்கமாக எழுதப்பட்டிருப்பதாகவும் கூறப்படுகிறது. தமிழகத்தில் இருக்கும் முக்கியமான ஐந்து பேருக்கு இதே கடிதம் வந்திருப்பதாகவும் சொல்லப்படுகிறது.
''போரின் கடைசி நாள் பொட்டு அம்மான் தற்கொலை செய்து கொண்டதாக இத்தனை மாதங்கள் கழித்து இலங்கை அரசு வலிந்து அறிவிக்க வேண்டிய அவசியமென்ன? இண்டர்போல் அறிக்கை வெளியான பிறகுதான் தற்கொலை தகவல் அவர்களுக்குக் கிடைத்ததா? பிரான்ஸில் ஈழத்தமிழர்கள் ஏற்பாடு செய்யப் போகும் ரகசியக் கூட்டத்துக்கு பொட்டு அம்மான் நேரிலேயே வருவதாகச் சொல்லி இருக்கிறாராம். இண்டர்போல் கண்காணிப்பு தீவிரமாக இருப்பதால்தான் அந்தக் கூட்டம் தள்ளிக்கொண்டே போகிறது. ஒரே ஒரு நிமிடமாவது அவர் வெளிச்சத்துக்கு வந்து போவார்'' என்று ஈழத் தமிழ் உணர்வாளர்கள் சிலர் அடித்துச் சொல்ல ஆரம்பித்திருக்கிறார்கள்.
''புலிகளின் அமைப்புக்கு பொட்டு அம்மான் புதிய தலைவராக பொறுப்பேற்பாரா?'' என்று இவர்களிடம் கேட்டால்... ''எங்களுக்கு வந்த மற்றொரு மிக இனிப்பான தகவல்படி சொல்வதானால்... இயக்கத்துக்கு புதிய தலைமை வரவேண்டிய அவசியமில்லை!'' என்று மட்டும் சிரித்தபடியே சொல்கிறார்கள்.-
- இரா.சரவணன்
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